When
Lee Hsien Loong collapsed during the National Day Rally speech on 21 August
2016, it shocked not only many Singaporeans, but also leaders from around the
world. Although he recovered quickly and was able to finish his speech after a
short break, the incident drew attention to the issue of leadership succession
in a country that has long experienced predictable politics with little change.
While
Singapore maintains the appearance of a democracy,
the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) has dominated politics since
independence by creating significant barriers to political opposition —
currently the PAP control more than 90 per cent of seats. In order to maintain
this level of control, the PAP has successfully transferred power to the next
generation of hand-picked leaders. But presently, the leadership succession is
still unclear despite the fact that the current prime minister is already 64
years old.
This level
of uncertainty is a new development in post-independence Singaporean politics,
which has become used to the dominant role of the PAP. The party’s first leader
and prime minister, the late Lee Kuan Yew,
has often been affectionately called the nation’s founding father. His successor,
Goh Chok Tong, was widely seen as a seat warmer for the current prime minister,
who is the son of the elder Lee.
Even though
Singapore prides itself on being meritocratic, research by Michael Barr suggests otherwise.
In a recent article titled ‘The Lees of Singapore’, Barr argues that the Lee
family is at the heart of the political system merging ‘a personality cult into
a national ideology’. He concludes that the current prime minister’s second son
Li Hongyi is the most likely successor to his father.
But none of
the prime minister’s sons have yet shown interest in entering politics, which
means that Singapore may have to move beyond the Lees. If one of them were to
become prime minister, it would cast doubt over Singapore’s carefully
constructed meritocratic values.
Despite the
lack of a clear family heir, the list of potential direct successors to the
current prime minister is extensive. On 4 September 2016, the pro-government
paper featured six potential successors. They were Heng Swee Keat (Finance
Minister), Chan Chun Sing (Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office), Tan
Chuan-Jin (Minister for Social and Family Development), Ng Chee Meng (Acting
Minister for Education — Schools), Ong Ye Kung (Acting Minister for Education —
Higher Education and Skills), and Lawrence Wong (National Development
Minister).
Despite
Singapore’s diversity and the recent discussion about the need for better
representation of minorities, all of these potential successors are ethnic
Chinese men and half of them have a military background.
Of all the
potential candidates, Finance Minister Heng Swee Kiat was long seen as the
favourite until he suffered a stroke during a cabinet meeting on 12 May 2016.
Although he has largely recovered, his medical condition has raised concerns
over his ability to become the next prime minister. But so far no one else has
replaced him as the front-runner ahead of the next general election, scheduled
to take place by 15 January 2021.
While there
is still some time, the window for identifying a candidate who would be able to
sustain the dominance of the ruling party into the future is quickly narrowing.
This is important for the PAP because opposition parties have grown in
popularity and discontent is rising — primarily due to the influx of foreigners
and expensive living costs.
More troubling
is the recent spate of governance failures including the secret recall of
trains from a Chinese based manufacturer (revealed by the Hong Kong-based FactWire
news agency) as well as the growing number of health crises such as the Zika
virus.
The people
in Singapore have become much more demanding than in the past
— many expect to be involved in the decision making process for the selection
of the next leader. At the very least, a popular leader must be identified who
can gain the support from Singaporeans in the next general election. Such a
person could be the popular Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Tharman
Shanmugaratnam, but he is currently not considered as a potential successor.
On one hand,
previous leaders including Lee Kuan Yew have asserted that only an ethnic
Chinese prime minister would be acceptable to the majority of Singaporeans.
On the other, Tharman has also indicated in a 2015 interview with The
Straits Times that he was not interested in the position and would only
take it if he was forced to. But the list of candidates suggests that it could
be difficult for the party to find a popular leader who could avert calls for a
more fundamental transformation of the one party dominated system.
The lack of
a clear successor threatens to disrupt the decades of post-independence
stability in Singaporean politics. And the longer the uncertainty remains, the
worse the potential consequences may be for the PAP.
Stephan
Ortmann is a research fellow in the Department of Asian and International
Studies at the City University of Hong Kong.
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