Kirralie Smith is a permaculture farmer
from northern New South Wales and a mother of three. She is also the public
face of the virulent campaign to boycott halal food and products.
Halal means permissible for Muslims to
eat or use, and Smith's Facebook page "'Boycott Halal in Australia"
has 41,000 supporters. She speaks at events organised by
"Islam-critical" groups such as the Q Society, which has also been
involved in local campaigns to stop mosques being built. Her "Halal Choices"
website, she says, gets 80,000 visitors a month.
'We are Australians. I love my footy, my
cricket, my meat pies. Halal pies of course'
She says her
objection is not to Islam itself but the extra cost she thinks is imposed on
Australian consumers by companies paying to have products – everything from
milk to pies and shampoo – certified halal.
Halal
products are certified as being free from anything that Muslims are not allowed
to eat or use (such as pork and alcohol). The products must be made and stored
using machines that are cleansed according to Islamic law.
Large
processing plants will have Muslim staff members who are accredited in some
instances to bless the factory. Halal slaughtering of animals in Australia is
done after they are stunned.
Smith and
her supporters claim halal certification is a scam by Muslim interests to raise
money for mosques and therefore for "jihad." They base this assertion
on media reports in France, Canada and the United States claiming certification
funds had been paid to organisations linked to Hamas and the Muslim
Brotherhood.
Yet neither
Smith nor her unofficial patron, the Q Society, could elaborate on the
Australian situation. "To the best of our knowledge no one has yet
undertaken similar research," says Q Society's national president Debbie
Robinson.
Mohammed
Eris, the treasurer of the Supreme Islamic Council of Halal Meat in Australia,
says he is "saddened" to hear regular accusations that Muslim halal
certifying bodies funnel money to terrorism. His organisation has the contract
with Coles to certify supermarket products. "We are Australians," he
says. "I love my footy, my cricket, my meat pies. Halal pies of
course."
He says the
council has funded youth groups and non-Muslim youth cancer organisations such
as the Starlight Children's Foundation Australia which supports children with
cancer and their families. "We practise our beliefs but with respect for
the others around us."
The
Australian Crime Commission told NewMatilda.com recently that no links
were found between the "legitimate halal certification industry" and
the "financing of terrorist groups".
Still, Smith
maintains halal certification is a religious tax and jihad is more subtle than
terrorism.
A
significant amount of products in Australian stores are halal certified
including food from SPC, Sanitarium, Cadburys, Nestle, Kelloggs, Master Foods,
Mainland, La Ionica and Kraft. Supermarket chains such as Coles, Woolworths,
IGA and Ritchies pay for certification for some products, as do dairy factories
and meat processors.
According to
the Q Society, 75 per cent of poultry suppliers, the four major dairy
companies, 60 per cent of sheep abattoirs and more than half of Australian
cattle abattoirs produce certified goods.
Still, the
Australian Food and Grocery Council says halal certification costs are
"negligible" and "highly unlikely" to change pricing.
One of the
main things that Smith and the anti-Halal movement objects to is foods or
products that are deemed intrinsically halal – such as white milk, honey
and nuts – having halal certification.
She claims
certifiers put undue pressure on companies, blackmailing them with the threat
of being branded anti-Islam or racist if they don't comply.
So far,
South Australian dairy company Fleurieu has dropped its halal status – due to
perceived negative publicity on anti-Halal social media pages – losing a big
deal with Emirates Airlines in the process. It paid only $1000 to be certified.
The costs of certification vary between $1000 for a small company to $27,000 a
month for a large abattoir.
Prominent
brands such as Four 'N Twenty, Kelloggs, Byron Bay Cookies, Cadburys and Pauls
have been targeted in online anti-Halal campaigns but have stood firm, all
stating that halal certification means they can export their product to Muslim
countries.
Yet, behind
the headlines, the booming halal certification industry is wracked by upheaval
and recriminations both domestically and in export markets, with allegations of
bribes paid by Australian certifiers to an Indonesian Halal agency.
The new
Indonesian government has dismantled Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) – the
country's main Islamic body and halal controller – which approves halal
imports, shifting the goalposts significantly in a highly competitive $12
billion export industry.
The MUI has
held a stranglehold on Australian halal exports by being able to dictate which
Australian certifiers are favoured. But in one of the former Indonesian
government's last acts, a new body – the Halal Product Assurance Organising
Agency – was set up. It will be phased in over the next three years.
"The
full impact on Australian exports will emerge only once detailed regulations
are developed and implemented," an Australian department of agriculture
spokesperson said. "The department will continue to work with the relevant
halal-approving bodies in Indonesia to support Australian exports."
The bribery
allegations were initially aired in Indonesian news magazine Tempo this
year. Fairfax Media has established a Melbourne whistleblower wrote to three
Australian government departments including the Federal Police in March telling
them of corruption allegations between the MUI and Australian halal certifiers
trying to firm up the lucrative export market in Indonesia.
The
allegations include bribes paid to the MUI. Fairfax Media has seen an MUI
contract sent to Australian certifiers requiring them to "contribute in
activities for the halal product service in Indonesia".
A Department
of Agriculture spokesman said: "The department is unable to comment on any
investigation that may currently be underway."
Halal
certification in Australia is dominated by four big Islamic groups – one in
Melbourne and three in Sydney. They are the Australian Federation of Islamic
Councils, the unofficial peak body; the Halal Certification Authority
Australia, the Supreme Islamic Council of Halal Meat in Australia and the
Islamic Co-ordinating Council of Victoria.
There are 21
Islamic groups approved by the federal government to issue halal certificates
but many – in regional areas – service only small meat processors. The big
four, all classed as not-for-profit enterprises, do the bulk of the work across
meat and non-meat products.
Internationally,
the halal market is valued in the trillions with 20 per cent annual growth,
fuelled by a rising Muslim middle class in countries like Malaysia and
Indonesia and the increasing reach of affluent Muslim travellers.
Big
Australian certifiers are heavily regulated by the Australian Quarantine and
Export Service (AQIS; a federal government body within the Department of
Agriculture) but this covers only export products. Halal certification for
domestic products, restaurants and butcher shops is unregulated. This is
estimated to be about 10 per cent of the total halal market.
"I can
make cheese in my little factory and get a local organisation to certify it
halal," says Ahmed Kilani, who runs a Sydney halal consultancy and
co-founded the website Muslim Village.
"I
could set up tomorrow to certify butchers and restaurants. I can charge
whatever I want. Who certifies the certifier? It should be written into the law
but it isn't."
Mohammed
Khan, of certifiers Halal Australia, says he has been pushing the government
for tighter domestic halal standards since 2008 with no traction. He says
certain certifiers enjoy a state-by-state monopoly at the expense of other
hopefuls.
In contrast,
the big export certifiers are audited by the Australian government and also by
Islamic governing bodies in countries that receive the products.
"These
are mainstream organisations. They are not start ups," says Ahmed Kilani.
Just "one local scandal," he says – misuse of funds or non-halal
products being certified – could have a major economic impact.
"If a
product is exported to say Indonesia or Saudi Arabia then the governments of
those countries have whole departments full of scholars and food scientists
looking closely at what happens. They are not going to give a backyarder
permission to certify."
Under
Islamic law, the money the certifiers earn is supposed to cover costs and if
there is any left it goes to the Muslim community organisations that the
certifying company is aligned with – mosques, schools and welfare groups.
Those who
control the certification rights can also fund imams and bring preachers to
Australia. Sydney-based Australian Federation of Islamic Councils (AFIC) set up
an Islamic school in Tarneit in Melbourne's west and an Islamic centre on
Christmas Island for Malaysian Muslims, says chief executive officer Amjad
Mahboob.
"The
international halal market is huge," Mahboob says, "and Australia
being a primary producer of food items means we are relied upon so it's very
important the credibility of what we do is protected at all times."
Yet that
credibility has sometimes been brittle. In 2003, a court case involving Shafiq
Khan, an influential figure around Sydney's Supreme Islamic Council of Halal
Meat in Australia, saw former supporters swear he had diverted without approval
more than $1 million to charities, including his own Al-Faisal College, at the expense
of constituent charities. Former Prime Minister John Howard opened the college
in 2000. Mr Khan negotiated a settlement and agreed to return the money to the
council.
In 2009, the
Victorian Supreme Court found the Islamic Co-ordinating Council of Victoria
(ICCV) had defamed a competitor in the lucrative halal trade, and ordered
damages be paid.
Then in 2012
a Sydney Islamic school aligned to the Australian Federation of Islamic
Councils was ordered to pay back $9m in NSW government funding after it was
found money had been allegedly diverted to the federation the peak body for
halal certification in Australia. "It is a matter that is before the
court," said Mahboob. "We are disputing the [NSW] minister's
findings."
This year,
in a Federal Court trademark case it was revealed two Sydney kebab shops got
free fake certificates from a wholesaler, which if they'd opted to buy them
elsewhere would have cost $5000 each.
In Melbourne
and Sydney, the certifying industry has begun to move away from predominantly
Middle Eastern interests towards businesspeople from Turkey and the
Balkans.
An
investigator familiar with the industry said it was a "highly
competitive" and "very incestuous" market. "It is
riven with factions," he said.
Credibility
can also be an issue to those seeking a boycott on halal products can also
face. Theirs is a campaign that has been hijacked to an extent by extreme
right-wing groups such as Restore Australia, the Australian Defence League and
the Patriots' Defence League.
Last year, a
Queensland woman was charged with food tampering after stickers stating that
halal food funds terrorism were attached to coffee in a supermarket. The woman
charged bought the stickers from former One Nation candidate Mike Holt -- who
has raised funds for a contentious campaign to stop a mosque being built in
Bendigo.
Kirralie
Smith, meanwhile, says she is being courted by all kinds of small political
parties to stand for Parliament.
"All of
the minor parties have asked me to represent them. 'You have to be our
senator,' they say, 'you have to be our candidate'. The Christian parties,
the right wing parties. I really like [right-wing Christian Democratic Party
politician in Sydney] Fred Nile, I think he is great. He would love me to join
his party."
Early in
2015, Q Society will present a petition to federal parliament demanding the
Corporations Act 2001 be changed to mean only Muslims bear the cost of halal
certification on everyday products.
When pressed
on the lack of evidence that Australian consumers are being ripped off by halal
cartels – and that money raised funds nefarious activities – Smith says her
"primary focus" is lack of choices for consumers and she is
"happy to be wrong" in her claims.
"I
understand it is complex. I felt deceived that companies pay halal
certification fees and there was no way as a consumer and an ordinary mum that
I knew."
Sydney
Morning Herald