So, what does this mean for Japan?
Japan today seems to be the
strongest supporter in the region for maintaining a US-led order in both the
security and economic realms. After the short tenure of former prime minister
Yukio Hatoyama, who served from September 2009 to June 2010, Japan lost
its desire to be an architect of the regional order. Instead, Japan has focused
on integrating its Asian policy with its bilateral relationship with the United
States.
Japan has not always relied
on US primacy in Asia. In the past Japan has emphasised the role of regional
groups, including the ASEAN+3 and ASEAN+6 mechanisms. Japan also actively
pursued its own bilateral diplomacy with Southeast Asian nations as part of the
Fukuda doctrine, first established in 1977, which focused on building peaceful
and cooperative relations with ASEAN members.
But during the last decade,
Japanese foreign policymakers have increasingly viewed Japan’s relations with
Southeast Asia through the prism of the US alliance. Regardless of the ruling
party, Japanese foreign policy has clearly aimed to strengthen US leadership in
the region.
To bolster the US alliance
framework, Japan enhanced its security cooperation with most of the ASEAN
countries, upgrading the substance of bilateral relations with ASEAN countries
to include more robust defence exchange. Japan’s stance on the Trans-Pacific
Partnership negotiations — which it has prioritised above other economic
partnerships in the region — also signifies its strong commitment to ensuring
continued US engagement in the region. Tokyo policymakers have calculated that
it is in their strategic interests to enhance the US position in the region.
This view is perhaps more entrenched in Japan than in any other country,
including Australia and the United States itself.
In April 2015, Japan and the
United States published a new joint statement and updated guidelines on
US–Japan defence cooperation, which emphasised bilateral and trilateral
collaboration in security capacity-building efforts for Southeast Asian
nations. Also, the Abe administration succeeded in a substantial deepening of
Japan–India security cooperation, particularly in relation to defence and civil
nuclear cooperation. This is indicative of how Japan has ‘securitised’ its
Asian diplomacy.
Japan’s behaviour is aimed
at complementing the so-called American ‘pivot’ or ‘rebalance’ to Asia. But
this shift in Japanese foreign policy actually predates the US pivot strategy —
the first signals of this new foreign policy orientation started under the
first Abe administration in 2006–7.
And tensions still remain
between the US and Japanese approaches to security
in East Asia. Japan is more assertive than its partners in its desire to guard
against increasing Chinese influence and to address maritime challenges by
implementing rules-based mechanisms. This stance is rooted in Japan’s perception of China,
which has shifted in response to China’s growing political influence and the
crises over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands.
While some elements of
Japan’s traditional Asian diplomacy persist in its bilateral engagement, the
increasingly prominent role given to security in Japan’s Asian diplomacy is the
defining development of the last decade. The weight given to security concerns
in Japan’s foreign policy has led Japanese diplomats to push for a common
Japan–ASEAN stance on maritime disputes with China.
The expected role of ASEAN
in Japan’s foreign policy vision is largely unchanged.
Japanese behaviour suggests
that, in its own strategic re-calculation, maintaining American influence is
the key to preserving the regional order. Tokyo recognises that Japanese power
alone is insufficient to shape the regional order. It is therefore crucial for
Japan to build coalitions with regional partners that have similar political
objectives, such as Australia.
Japanese diplomacy towards
East Asia has experienced a fundamental transformation. As part of this
transformation, the strategic vision that underpins the US–Japan alliance has
been stretched to underpin Japan’s diplomacy for the entire East Asian region.
This extension of the logic of the US–Japan alliance undermines the ability of
Japan to pursue a truly inclusive regional order. It is high time that Japanese
foreign policy embraced the advantages of inclusive multilateralism.
Ryo Sahashi is an associate
professor of International Politics, Kanagawa University and a research fellow
at the Japan Center for International Exchange.
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