Vladimir Putin’s visit to Vietnam earlier this
month, his third since assuming the Russian presidency, was accompanied by
references to the ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ between both countries.
This wording has been adopted since last year, clearly indicating that the two
countries are getting closer to each other and intend to cultivate a special
bond
The intensity of high-profile diplomatic activity seems to
confirm this. Since July 2012, the two countries’ presidents have met each
other no less than four times, while Prime Ministers Dmitry Medvedev and Nguyen
Tan Dung have also exchanged visits.
Against this background, bilateral trade statistics look
rather modest: according to Russian sources bilateral trade turnover, although
increasing by 20 per cent in 2012, reached only US$3.6 billion — a level much
lower than Vietnam’s trade with partners such as China and the United States. Even if,
according to official projections (and as a result of a free trade agreement
currently under negotiation between Vietnam and the countries of the customs
union of Russia, Byelorussia and Kazakhstan), trade rises to US$7 billion in
2015 and US$10 billion in 2020, Russia will still be well behind Vietnam’s
biggest trade partners.
One may wonder why Vietnam, famous for its pragmatism, is approaching Russia with
such a positive attitude. From Vietnam’s point of view, what is so attractive
and promising about this partner?
In the Vietnamese psyche Russia is not associated with any
kind of existential threat — economic or military. Unlike some other great
powers, Russia carries no responsibility for the tragedies of Indochina wars. On
the contrary, through Vietnam’s decades of turmoil the USSR proved to be a
tested (and generous) friend — including during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War.
Much of the positive chemistry between the Russians and the Vietnamese was
generated back then, and this mutual sympathy remains a major ingredient in the
relationship.
Since so many Vietnamese not just operated Soviet/Russian
military equipment but also studied in the Soviet Union/Russia, they are more
aware of Russia’s soft power too — its educational, technological, scientific
and cultural richness — which has influenced positive attitudes to Russia among
Vietnamese.
While much of the world remains skeptical about Russia’s
business climate, there are examples of Vietnamese who were educated in Russia
and raised considerable fortunes there before making it big at home. One famous
case is that of Pham Nhat Vuong: the first tycoon of modern Vietnam to enter
the Forbes list of the world’s
richest people, worth an estimated US$1.5 billion.
Looking at the set of agreements and memorandums signed
during Putin’s latest visit, one will note that it covers a rather wide range
of subjects. These include a series of joint ventures and huge projects in the
field of hydrocarbon energy, construction of the first nuclear power plant in
Indochina, educational and innovative initiatives, and healthcare. A new
agreement on military cooperation is also included, and the package looks like
a foundation on which the partners intend to construct a more diversified
system of linkages.
Judging by the joint statement on the talks, there was quite
a substantial discussion on issues of regional and global importance. Along
with the new architecture for regional security and cooperation, issues as
sensitive as Syria and the South China Sea were also discussed. Consistent with
previous negotiations, the leaders of Russia and Vietnam stated that all
territorial disputes in the Asia Pacific should be settled only by peaceful
means, without the use or the threat of force, in accordance with the UN
Charter and UNCLOS 1982. The strong support of a political and diplomatic
solution to the Syrian crisis by both presidents was quite predictable, as was
their common appreciation of ASEAN’s centrality in the emerging regional
architecture.
If ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ stands for a
relationship with deep historical roots, and growing closeness built on similar
regional and global perceptions, then the Russia-Vietnam partnership deserves
this definition. Dr Victor Sumsky is Director of the ASEAN Centre at MGIMO
University, Moscow.
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