There are many sticky
issues that the government isn’t giving way on
International diplomatic communities and internationally
recognized Burmese who are aiding the government’s peace negotiation team with
its ethnic minorities have been painting a rosy picture of ceasefire
negotiations for international investors. They are too rosy.
Thant Myint-U, advisor of Myanmar Peace Center, the
secretariat for the government’s peace negotiation, wrote in the Financial
Times that, “Three weeks ago, at an unprecedented summit, the Myanmar
government, including the army, and leaders of all ethnic
armed organizations reached a historic understanding on the process ahead”.
Lt-Gen. Soe Htut, Chief of the Bureau of Special Operation 2
(Shan and Kayah State) at recent talks between the government’s peace
negotiation team and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), the
political wing of the Karenni army, said, “I can now travel to the border area
that I’ve never been before, like going on a vacation. This indicates the
development of trust building after the ceasefire was signed with the KNPP”.
From the perspective of the ethnic armed groups, however,
this is mostly public relations to make the Burmese government and the peace
process look good to international investors.
Thant Myint-U, for example, failed to mention that ethnic
armed groups could not accept the army’s ceasefire framework proposed at the
Myintkyina summit in early November. The demands in the army’s framework
include surrender of ethnic armies, adherence to “existing laws” that can be
used against ethnic armies and their members anytime, and restrictions on armed
groups but give the army more authority, and therefore an upper hand, in the
name of national security.
The Karenni National Progressive and New Mon State Parties
have already spoken out against the framework. Many other ethnic armies will
not accept it either.
Likewise, when the media reports that agreements have been
reached at a meeting between an ethnic army and the government, the highlight
is usually about what has been agreed upon. What the public must remember is
that there are heated discussions on most crucial topics that could not be
agreed upon.
In ceasefire negotiation meetings, the government
negotiation team has been really hard especially on military-related topics. On
Oct. 22 and 23, the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) met with the
government’s Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) headed by chief negotiator
Minister U Aung Min in Loikaw for the third time.
Both sides acknowledge that there has been no fighting in
Kayah (Karenni) State since the ceasefire agreement was signed in March 2012
except for a minor clash on June 28, 2012 that resulted in five Burma soldiers
wounded. This is why Lt. Gen Soe Htut said he could travel in the border areas
as if on vacation.
The discussions have included the forming of local
monitoring and Joint Monitoring Committees, humanitarian assistance, livelihood
opportunities for members and families of KNPP, drug eradication, land mines
and Internally Displaced Persons.
The military issue came last. Although the KNPP and the UPWC
have held four rounds of talks, no agreement has been reached for the
designation of troop encampments and/or troop movement.
The KNPP demanded that the Burmese government pull back
military outposts from Karenni state as well as the withdrawal of 10 battalions
under the 55th Light Infantry Division that are operating in the
Shan and Karenni States. In Karenni State, which has a population of only
300,000, there are14 permanent Burmese Army battalions and another 10
battalions under the 55th Military Operation Command stationed along
the border with Thailand.
"Since the second round of talks with KNPP, the 55th
Division has been reduced to five battalions," said Lt-Gen Soe Htut.
"Their commanders were sent back to backline and the five battalions are
deployed only for the purposes of border security. The issue of troop
withdrawal will be done after the KNPP reaches a lasting peace with the
government."
Both sides agreed verbally that government troops must use
only main roads. The Karenni army must station only in areas they formerly held
and the troops must enter cities without arms. However,
this cannot guarantee that future confrontation can be avoided.
Another unresolved issue is the No. 14 Advanced Military
Training School in Karenni State. In early 2011, the government army
confiscated more than 3,000 acres of land in Hpruso township for a military
training school. Despite persistent opposition from the KNPP and the local
population, the project continued. It has now been turned into a new military
training school in which training has been taking place steadily.
According to Lt-Gen Soe Htut, it is the army’s policy to
have one military training school in every division and regional states such as
Karenni state. Despite demands to convert this military training school into
something that benefits local people, the Burmese army claims it will not
terminate the project as a large amount of money has been spent on it. The
Burmese army returned only 199.86 acres of more than 3,000 acres of land
confiscated.
In practice, the Burmese Army is either expanding its
military presence in ethnic areas after signing ceasefire agreements or
refusing to withdraw its troops, or both. As long as the armed forces engage in
militarization in the ethnic areas, the government will never win trust.
Without mutual trust, the peace process is moving nowhere. The last ceasefire
agreement lasted only three months before the government violated it.
(Maw Theh Mar is Liaison Officer for International Affairs,
Karenni National Progressive Party)
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