Trump's election would be a huge boon to
China and Russia. It would immediately eviscerate U.S. influence in Asia. Japan
would soon discover that it had to go it alone and might reconsider acquiring
nuclear weapons. South Korea would gravitate towards Beijing, alongside its
hostile northern neighbor. Southeast Asia would have to accommodate China and
accept its dominance of the South China Sea. Meanwhile, the global economy
would go into free-fall as the U.S. embraced protectionism.
Donald Trump has emerged as the odds-on favorite to win
the Republican nomination and face Hillary Clinton in November's U.S.
presidential election. At a press conference as the returns came rolling in, an
Australian journalist asked Trump what his presidency would mean for the world.
It is a question that is perplexing every world leader: is Trump as radical as
he seems?
The Republican foreign policy
establishment seems to think so. From hawks to doves, they have gone into
rebellion. Sixty Republican national security experts and former senior
officials have published a letter publicly condemning Trump and declaring him
unfit to serve as Commander in Chief. Many have promised to vote for Democrat
favorite Hillary Clinton if Trump is the Republican nominee. Others have gone
further. Michael Hayden, who served as George W. Bush's CIA director said that
if "President Trump" governed in a manner consistent with his
campaign rhetoric, the American armed forces would be required to disobey some
of his orders.
The reason for Republican unease is
simple. Trump has a foreign policy that would upend America's role in the world
and could set in motion the worst international crisis since the 1930s. Asia
may well be the hardest hit.
Contrary to popular perception, Trump
has a long and consistent world view dating back to 1987 when, at the age of
41, he spent $95,000 to take out a full-page advertisement in the New York
Times criticizing U.S. foreign and defense policy. He has three core beliefs
consistent with the notion that America is getting a bad deal from the rest of
the world.
Firstly, Trump is angry, not at
America's enemies but at its friends. He strongly opposes U.S. alliance
commitments to other wealthy nations, particularly Japan. He believes that if
the U.S. must defend its allies then it should be handsomely rewarded for doing
so. On the campaign trail, he has promised to renegotiate the U.S.-Japan
alliance and has demanded that South Korea pay much more for U.S. support.
Secondly, Trump strongly opposes free
trade agreements and wants to make use of American economic power to negotiate
one-sided mercantilist trading arrangements with other countries. He has
threatened massive tariffs on China and Mexico.
Finally, Trump has a fondness for
authoritarian leaders because he believes they are strong and can do business.
He has praised Vladimir Putin who returned the favor by endorsing him.
While he has criticized Chinese economic policy towards the United States he
has had nice words for Xi Jinping.
Trump has held these views for
decades. In this campaign, the real estate mogul has also proposed policies
such as deliberately targeting civilians to fight terrorism, as well as a
xenophobic stance towards Muslims.
Not just words
It is tempting to think that this is
all just campaign rhetoric. After all, newly elected American presidents often
know little about the world. Once in office, they learn fast and abandon
irresponsible promises. Jimmy Carter said he would withdraw U.S. forces from
South Korea but quickly changed his mind when confronted with reality.
But Trump is different. He has
thought long and hard about foreign policy. In many ways he is a foreign policy
candidate. His view may be radical but it is coherent. And it is striking a
chord in a portion of the electorate. His message is also one with cross-party
appeal -- there are Democrats receptive to his isolationism and economic
nationalism.
If elected, Trump will no doubt
plunge America's alliances and even the global economy into crisis. Imagine,
for instance, if he demands that Japan and South Korea pay exponentially more
to the U.S. for their alliances and further calls on Japan to agree to
significant changes in the U.S.-Japan Treaty. He may suspend U.S. commitments
until these demands are agreed to. How would China respond in the East China
Sea? What would North Korea do?
Trump's election would be a huge boon
to China and Russia. It would immediately eviscerate U.S. influence in Asia.
Japan would soon discover that it had to go it alone and might reconsider
acquiring nuclear weapons. South Korea would gravitate towards Beijing,
alongside its hostile northern neighbor. Southeast Asia would have to
accommodate China and accept its dominance of the South China Sea. Meanwhile,
the global economy would go into free-fall as the U.S. embraced protectionism.
The enemy
within
The world has never encountered an
American leader like Trump. U.S. power is embedded in a system of rules,
institutions and alliances. Trump believes that these commitments damage
American interests and he is determined to cast them off. There is now deep
concern in Washington about his candidacy and a widespread view that Trump is a
threat to U.S. national security and world peace more generally.
This election will be unlike any
other in American history. It is about truly fundamental issues. What sort of
country is the United States and will it uphold its global position, or
liquidate it? Trump will not shy away from this choice. He will make foreign
policy a central part of his campaign. Trump will attack Clinton for favoring
"one sided alliances" and slam Japan, South Korea, Germany, and
others. He will do this repeatedly and vividly. We will find out just how much
this isolationist message resonates with the electorate. This alone could
damage American credibility.
There is a limited amount of damage
Trump can do to American domestic politics. The power of the presidency is
checked by Congress, the courts, and the law. If Trump oversteps the mark he
may be impeached. But the power of the presidency is much greater in foreign
policy. There, the damage he could wreak in a short period of time is
considerably greater.
Clinton now finds herself as the
standard-bearer and last line of defense for American internationalism. She
will have a positive case for America's global role, for alliances, for rules,
and for trade. Clinton will have many Republicans by her side and she remains
heavily favored to win. Asia, and the world, will hold its breath.
Nikkei
Asia Review
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