Just as the
pen can be mightier than the sword, China’s non-kinetic “Three Warfares” may prove to
be far more effective at expanding China’s maritime and territorial boundaries
than any arsenal of missiles or fleet of Chinese aircraft carriers.
The Three Warfares were
first officially recognized as an important warfighting capability by China’s
Central Military Commission and Communist Party in 2003. They include
everything from psychological and legal to media warfare.
The goal of China’s psychological warfare is to deter, demoralize, or otherwise
shock an opponent nation and its civilian population and thereby discourage the
opponent from fighting back. As former White House advisor Stefan Halper starkly
revealed in a watershed report to the Pentagon’s Office of Net Assessment in
2014: “It employs diplomatic pressure, rumor, false narratives, and harassment
to express displeasure, assert hegemony and convey threats.”
Thus, for example, when China imposes an
economic boycott or bans Chinese tourism, it
hopes to coerce a Japanese populace struggling with economic stagnation and
hungry for prosperity into acquiescing to China’s territorial demands regarding
the Senkaku Islands.
As for China’s legal warfare, its goal is
to effectively bend—or perhaps rewrite—the rules of the international order in
China’s favor. A case in point is China’s campaign to restrict freedom of navigation within
its 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone as defined by the United Nations Law of
the Sea Treaty.
In fact, this claim has no legal
basis within the context of the actual Law of the Sea Treaty language. Yet
China repeatedly and falsely asserts the opposite—in the spirit of the
oft-repeated Orwellian axiom “if you say it enough, they will believe it.”
China’s media warfare is, in many ways,
the most pernicious. Its goal is to shape public opinion in a way that leads
unwary viewers to accept China’s version of events. Heritage Foundation scholar Dean Cheng describes
such warfare as a “constant, on-going activity aimed at long-term influence of
perceptions and attitudes;” and its use follows Halper’s maxim that “it is not
the best weapons that win today’s wars but rather the best narrative.”
The tip of China’s media warfare spear is
the Chinese Central Television Network (CCTV)—with
a major facility in Washington, D.C. This is a faux twenty-four-hour
news channel shrink-wraps China’s propaganda around healthy doses of CNN-style
pure news while reaching over 40 million Americans along with hundreds of
millions more viewers in the rest of the world.
As a case in point of the power of CCTV,
when an incident breaks out between China and the Philippines over disputed
reefs in the South China Sea, CCTV is there first to quickly advance China’s
narrative—often before the Western media are even on to the story. In a similar
vein, when tensions mount over the Senkaku Islands, CCTV will quickly launch a
strong offensive blaming “right wing nationalists” in Japan for any incident or
escalation.
The dark beauty of the Three Warfares in
today’s modern age is that they offer China a new form of non-kinetic weaponry to
achieve goals that in earlier times could only be realized through kinetic
force. Moreover, the Three Warfares combine in a highly synergistic way.
For example, in many of its territorial
disputes in the East and South China Seas, China first asserts false
territorial claims based on vague history—that’s the legal warfare. It next
projects non-kinetic force in the form of flotillas of white-hulled civilian fleets—that’s
the psychological warfare. Finally, CCTV repeatedly portrays a “peaceful China”
as a victim of foreign power domination only trying to right an historic wrong
– that’s the media warfare.
To date, both the White House and Pentagon
have largely ignored China’s Three Warfares and therefore failed to develop a
countervailing strategy. However, aggression by non-kinetic means is still
aggression—which raises this ultimate question: Why does America continue to
trade with a country that is waging war against it and American allies?
This is a very good
question for the 2016 presidential debate—and the leading candidates on both
sides of the aisle need to be thinking of an appropriate answer. So please, Donald
Trump and Hillary Clinton, what
are your views on the Three Warfares of China? Do you see them as acts of war
against America and its allies in Asia; and if so, what do you intend to do in
response? And please Senators Cruz, Rubio and Sanders, tell America’s voters what you
intend to do to defend the United States and its allies in Asia like Japan and
the Philippines against China’s Three Warfare doctrine.
Peter Navarro is a professor at the
University of California-Irvine. He is the author of Crouching Tiger: What China’s
Militarism Means for the World (Prometheus Books), ranked
by The Globalist as a Top Ten book of the year.
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