One in every four women in the world is
married off by the age of 17, and a government's attempt to prevent this has
just been rebuffed as "blasphemous" and "anti-Islamic".
Marvi Memon is a sophisticated woman. She is a member of parliament, a former
banker and businesswoman, a graduate of the London School of Economics, raised
in a prominent political family. She is one of the most high-profile members of
the Pakistan Muslim League, which holds government in Pakistan.
None of this
helped her last week, when a draft bill she had tabled, aimed at curbing child
marriages, was withdrawn after it was described as "blasphemous" by a
religious authority.
The
current civil law designates 16 as the legal age of marriage, but in
practice sharia allows girls as young as nine to be married, providing
they show signs of puberty. This reflects the primacy of sharia over
civil law.
The
43-year-old Memon had introduced the Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Bill
to raise the minimum age of marriage to 18 and impose penalties on those who
arrange child marriages.
The most
heroic women in the struggle for women's rights are the Muslim women who risk
violence and scorn in seeking to reform Islam into a faith that reflects the
equality of women, not the values of 7th century tribal society on the Arabian
peninsula.
But Memon
hit a roadblock of intransigent religious and cultural conservatism, an
intransigence that is rising in the Muslim world, not receding.
This
particular roadblock was the Council of Islamic Ideology, which has been given
the power to vet all proposed legislation in Pakistan's parliament to see if it
complies with sharia.
The council
found the bill to be not only "anti-Islamic" but
"blasphemous". The government promptly withdrew the bill.
No surprise
there. The unelected council had previously opposed a law that would allow DNA
testing to be admissible as evidence in rape cases. It found this conflicted
with the mandate under sharia that a woman or girl claiming she was raped
required four witnesses to support her claim.
Marvi Memon
had been warned. When the law restricting child marriages was first proposed in
2014, the chairman of the Council of Islamic Ideology, Mohammad Khan Sheerani,
had pointed out that under sharia a marriage could take place when a girl had
attained puberty or signs of puberty.
At the time
he was reported by Agence France-Presse as reiterating that under sharia the
minimum age for marriage is nine and "parliament cannot create legislation
that is against the teachings of the Holy Quran or Sunnah".
The draft
bill against child marriage thus never even reached a vote. And Pakistan
remains a nation in decline, with the dead hand of religious and cultural
conservatism as the root cause.
One only has
to look at the contrasting fortunes of India and Pakistan. Both countries
became independent in 1947 after a bloody partition. Today, India's population
is six times bigger than Pakistan's but its economy is eight times larger and
growing much faster.
Over the
past three years, India's GDP grew 70 per cent faster than Pakistan's. Per
capita income in India is almost 25 per cent higher than in Pakistan even
though India has a vast rural population that is yet to rise out of
subsistence. India, like Pakistan, has also been hindered by corruption, caste
and cultural conservatism.
But
education is the most effective form of birth control, across all cultures, and
India's population of 1.26 billion is growing at 1.2 per cent while Pakistan's
population, 200 million, is growing 20 per cent faster, into a weaker economic
base.
It is
indicative that in the common ground of Britain, where 800,000 Indian Hindus
and more than a million Pakistani Muslims have settled, the Hindu population
has integrated far more successfully than the Pakistanis.
The
Pakistani diaspora remains far more insular and rife with religious extremism.
British security services now devote most of their resources to developing
intelligence sources inside Britain's Muslim population, with the Pakistani
population by far the largest and the most troubled.
In Pakistan
itself, politics remains predominantly feudal and immature, with caste,
ethnicity, religion and personality taking primacy over policies in voters'
loyalties.
Pakistan is
stuck. It has a small, sophisticated elite but is afflicted by religious
violence and economic stagnation. Its economy is sustained in large part by a
huge expatriate population working in servitude in wealthy Arab states.
Yet
Pakistan, with all its fevered stagnancy, is not among the worst offenders when
it comes to child brides. In fact, the rate of child marriage is higher in
India.
Child
marriage is most acute in Africa, across cultures that are Muslim, Christian
and animist, but is particularly acute among Muslim countries. The
countries where the highest proportion of women are married by 17 are all
predominantly Muslim, except the Central African Republic, which is 15 per cent
Muslim.
The enduring
problem of child brides is sweeping in scale. According to a global
co-operative of grassroots activist organisations called Girls Not Brides, 700
million of the world's women were married as children. In the poorest third of
the world's population, one in three women is married by age 17, or younger.
A woman like
Marvi Memon might be a member of a political elite, smart and well-connected,
elected to parliament in a seat designated for women, but she has just bounced
off the great divide between Islamic conservatism and the modern world.
The
treatment of women is central to this divide.
It was thus
utterly predictable that the arrival of a million men seeking refugee status in
Germany quickly turned ugly over the issue of sexual repression and sexual
harassment. The cultural disconnect arrived in Europe via thousands of Muslim
men carrying this invisible excess baggage.
Paul Sheehan Sydney Morning Herald Illustration: michaelmucci.com
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