Five years after the 2008 global financial
crisis, the world economy is still operating well below capacity, largely
because of serious policy mistakes in ‘advanced’ economies. Extraordinarily
loose monetary policy has not been enough to counter the perverse fiscal
austerity forced on the Eurozone by Germany and on the United States by the Tea
Party. This combination of macroeconomic policy settings is not only
inefficient — it is also unsustainable. The resulting uncertainty is delaying
new investment despite very low interest rates, which in turn is causing high
unemployment and long-term social costs. The potential GDP of the United States
is already 7 per cent below its
pre-crisis trajectory.
A significant boost to effective demand is needed to revive
the global economy’s momentum. To be big enough, any new stimulus needs to be coordinated —
no economy can do enough alone. And to be affordable, the stimulus needs to
raise productivity. The G20 can coordinate a multilateral initiative to
accelerate investment, steering more of the world’s savings to finance some of
the vast unmet demand for productive economic infrastructure.
The OECD estimates the demand for infrastructure with sound
potential economic returns to be US$50 trillion for the next two decades. The
Asian Development Bank estimates that emerging economies in Asia should invest
US$8 trillion by 2020 to sustain their growth. Global savings are accumulating
at a rate that is more than enough to meet this demand. Most governments have
some fiscal policy space to invest in bankable economic infrastructure projects
and they can use it to stimulate a gradually larger flow of private investment.
Boosting investment in productive infrastructure can inject
urgently needed effective demand into the global economy, raise confidence in
recovery and add to long-term potential for growth.
In a world of international production networks and low border barriers to most
of the products that move along these supply chains, coordinated funding for
transport and communications infrastructure is also the most efficient way to
reduce the costs of international commerce among economies.
This is why Indonesia is determined to seize the global
infrastructure opportunity through G20 leadership.
In 2011, Indonesia proposed that infrastructure investment
be the new focus for the G20’s Framework for Strong, Sustainable and Balanced
Growth. The goal is to reduce global imbalances and lift growth by redirecting
excess savings, especially in Asia, to finance infrastructure investment in
both developing and advanced economies instead of flowing as portfolio
investments to advanced economies to finance debts. It also proposed a
framework to develop a pipeline of projects which focused on the assessment of
country-level capacities to deliver and implement bankable projects. Lastly,
Indonesia proposed that the G20 explore innovative ways to channel global
savings into productive economic infrastructure, to find new sources of
financing and new mechanisms to diversify investment risks.
In recent years Indonesia has progressed in building
institutions to help infrastructure development.
These include presidential regulations to strengthen government guarantee and
finance for infrastructure as structural reform priorities, and the creation of
the Indonesia Infrastructure Guarantee Fund, Viability Gap Fund, Land Fund, and
Indonesia Infrastructure Guarantee Fund Institute, although some of these are
still not yet completed or fully operating.
Australia has made infrastructure development the top
priority for its year as the G20 host, but it remains to be seen whether
international cooperation can go beyond enthusiastic statements about the
global infrastructure opportunity and potentially endless studies. It will
never be possible to remove all constraints on all investments in all places:
in reality, all infrastructure projects will come up against unexpected
problems. If investment in economic infrastructure is to accelerate
significantly, some governments will need to show how problems implementing
some significantinfrastructure initiatives can be overcome. Then others can
learn from these examples.
ASEAN governments are playing their part through investments
to create the ASEAN Economic Community. In October 2013 APEC leaders committed themselves
to creating a comprehensively connected Asia Pacific region that will lead to
significant investments in the software and hardware needed to enhance
physical, institutional and people-to-people connectivity. Under Indonesia’s
APEC chairmanship, a Public–Private Partnership (PPP) Centre (under Indonesia’s
Ministry of Finance) was established as a pilot project for centres throughout
the region, to be overseen by an APEC PPP Expert Advisory Panel.
China’s recent initiative to establish the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
(AIIB is a potential game-changer. Indonesia has welcomed this initiative and
stated its intention to participate in the new development bank. The AIIB can
be expected to accelerate investment in economic infrastructure to boost Asia’s
productivity. Not simply by offering a new potential source of money (financing
is not the binding constraint on improving economic infrastructure) but by
being decisive and clear about what is needed to get projects off the ground.
There are many good opportunities for economically viable investment to improve
connections among Asian economies. These include coordinating an Asia Pacific
effort to upgrade the efficiency of major ports and airports to bring their
performance closer to best practice, and taking advantage of Myanmar’s recent
decision to engage with the international economy to build high-capacity
transport and communications links between East Asia and South Asia.
If ASEAN and APEC governments work with the new AIIB, they
can seize these opportunities, drawing in substantial private investment along
the way.
Existing development banks can, and should, do much more to
steer savings towards infrastructure. At present, the commercial arms of
multilateral development banks are net borrowers from developing economies, so
it is not surprising that China has decided to create a new bank. All
multilateral development banks now have a new strong incentive to look for ways
to expand their capital base and expertise. They can also speed up their
efforts and update their practices to leverage investment from institutional
investors, and others, by co-financing and/or underwriting projects in
innovative ways.
If Indonesia, and perhaps Asia Pacific and some other G20
governments, make early decisions to be stakeholders in the new AIIB, the stage
will be set for cooperation between, as well as healthy competition among, all
development banks. This could help to rekindle global economic recovery by
filling some of the yawning gaps in global economic infrastructure.
Indonesia must lead by example. It will benefit from these
regional and global initiatives if it puts its own house in order, including
improving domestic connectivity. Regional and global initiatives on
infrastructure investment must be supported by a domestic reform agenda that
makes them central to national priorities.
Mahendra Siregar is Chairman of Indonesia’s Investment
Coordinating Board and was formerly Indonesia’s G20 Sherpa. The views expressed
here are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the
Indonesian Government.
Andrew Elek is a Research Associate at the Crawford School
of Public Policy, Australian National University. He was the inaugural Chair of
APEC Senior Officials in 1989.
Maria Monica Wihardja is an economist, consultant at the
World Bank. The views expressed here at the author’s own and do not necessarily
reflect those of the World Bank or its affiliates.
This article is based on the authors’ forthcoming book
Chapter ‘G20 and Regional Organisations’ in Peter Drysdale and Kemal Dervis,
eds. G20 at Five.
This article appeared in the most recent edition of the East Asia Forum Quarterly, ‘Indonesia’s choices’.
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