Politics, as much as faith, is behind a harder line
ACEH, at the far west of the Indonesian archipelago, is
proud of its reputation for piety. In 2001 it became the only province in
Indonesia authorised to introduce sharia Islamic law as part of “special
autonomy” aimed at ending a long-running separatist war. The provincial
parliament passed laws against drinking, gambling and “seclusion”—being alone
with someone from the other sex. An Islamic police force modelled on Iran’s
“vice and virtue” patrols started to round up women for not covering their
heads or for wearing trousers that were too tight. The first public caning took
place in 2005. Now Aceh has taken another controversial step, by telling
everyone to follow sharia—Muslim and non-Muslim alike.
This all follows from a criminal code which Aceh’s outgoing
parliament passed back in 2009, increasing the number of offences under sharia
and introducing much stiffer penalties, such as death by stoning for
adulterers. Aceh’s then governor, Irwandi Yusuf, refused to sign the code. But
in December the present governor, Zaini Abdullah, signed into law a revised
version. This month the local authorities sent it to Jakarta, the capital, for
approval. Although legislators watered down the original code—dropping the
death-by-stoning penalty, for example—they insist it must be followed by
everyone in Aceh, regardless of religion. Non-Muslims who are charged with
offences not criminalised by national laws will be tried by sharia courts.
Aceh is a far cry from, say, the Taliban’s brutish former
rule in Afghanistan. Amnesty International counted at least 45 canings in
2012—still relatively few in a province of 5m. And those flogged in Aceh are
fully clothed, providing them with some protection. But the province is
enforcing sharia more strictly as religious conservatives become more
powerful, says Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch. Meanwhile, town mayors
and district chiefs are passing more sharia by-laws, which often
discriminate against women. Religious minorities face growing persecution, too.
Forcing Christians and followers of other non-Muslim faiths
to abide by sharia seems to fly in the face of Islamic teachings. Even
the secretary-general of Aceh’s own clerics association, Faisal Ali, says it
shows that legislators have a poor understanding of Islam. Moreover, the code
seems at odds with Indonesia’s constitutionally enshrined precept of “unity in
diversity”. The 1945 constitution guarantees freedom of religion for six
officially recognised faiths. The home ministry in Jakarta has 60 days to accept
or reject the code.
Politics as much as religious conviction plays its part.
Indonesia holds a parliamentary election in April and a presidential one in
July. The five-year term of Aceh’s own parliament also ends this year. Mr
Abdullah and local legislators may hope to consolidate their positions by
presenting themselves as pious Muslims standing up to Jakarta, the old
adversary in Aceh’s 29-year separatist struggle which ended in 2005. It would
not be the first time that politicians have exploited religion for their own
worldly ends.
‘The Economist’
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