China's Nukes: What Happens in a Showdown with America?
A Map Published by a state-owned Newspaper
showing a nuclear strike against Los Angeles
“China's strategic community views the
U.S. development and deployment of ballistic missile defense capabilities as
the most serious threat to China's nuclear deterrent. Chinese analysts believe
that the deployment of early warning systems and interceptors gives the United
States a rudimentary missile defense capability against Chinese nuclear
missiles. China's strategic community also expects the system to become more
integrated and effective in the future. For many, the Obama administration has
only slightly altered the Bush administration's missile defense plan, as U.S.
missile defense has bipartisan support and is now a permanent feature of the
strategic landscape.”
Point #3 - The Future of China’s Nuclear Posture:
“Chinese concerns about U.S. capabilities are likely to further underscore the
ambiguity that China has allowed to persist regarding its no-first-use policy.
In the mid-2000s, a debate over whether to maintain the policy occurred within
China amid concerns about a future conflict over Taiwan's unification involving
the United States. The debate was prompted in large part by the prospect of
conventional strikes against Chinese nuclear capabilities and nonnuclear
strategic targets, such as the Three Gorges Dam.”
Mining Mandarin sources, the authors feel:
“China is unlikely to alter its nuclear
strategy. That is, the pursuit of a lean and effective force to conduct a
retaliatory campaign to deter a first strike against China remains the basis of
China's nuclear strategy. Even though China is expanding the size and
sophistication of its arsenal, sources and individuals consulted for this
article indicate, in essence, that China will seek to achieve the goals
contained in its current strategy and not pursue new ones, such as the ability
to conduct a first strike on an adversary's nuclear weapons. As the Science of
Military Strategy describes, “China's nuclear force employment follows the
principle of ‘striking after the enemy has struck’ (houfa zhiren); a
nuclear counterattack is the only type (yangshi) of combat employment
for Chinese nuclear forces. The relative superiority or inferiority of China's
nuclear counterattack capability directly influences the effectiveness of its
nuclear deterrence. Therefore, the fundamental goals of the development of the
Second Artillery are to effectively increase the number of missiles to ensure
that a sufficient number are available for a nuclear counterattack, and to
increase the effectiveness of an actual nuclear counterattack.” The main
challenge from China's perspective is how best to achieve a secure
second-strike capability in light of the continued development of missiles
defenses and various long-range conventional strike capabilities.”
Final Point - Chinese Nuclear Ambiguity Could Make a
Showdown with America Dangerous:
“China's continued commitment to a nuclear
strategy of assured retaliation with a small but robust nuclear force structure
avoids the wastefulness of Cold War arms racing. To deter U.S. conventional
attacks on its nuclear forces, however, China relies on limited ambiguity over
its no-first-use policy, which could make a future U.S.-Chinese crisis more
dangerous. China appears willing to accept this risk because its assessments of
crisis stability in the U.S.-China relationship are relatively optimistic…Even
if Chinese analysts accurately assess the nuclear risks present in a U.S.-China
contingency, their optimism is unwarranted because it is not shared by the
United States and because China likely underestimates U.S. assessments of the
stakes in a potential crisis.”
Clearly I am cherry picking some of the
major highlights of a very scholarly and important forty-three-page academic
article. Considering past works by Fravel when it comes to Chinese nuclear
doctrine are now assigned reading at many of the top security studies programs
around the world, Asia hands should consider the ideas in this paper very
seriously. But don’t take my word for it: read the whole thing.
Harry Kazianis is the former Executive
Editor of The National Interest. Mr. Kazianis also serves as Senior Fellow
(non-resident) for Defense Policy at the Center for the
National Interest, Senior Fellow (non-resident) at the
China Policy Institute as well as a Fellow for National Security
Affairs at The Potomac Foundation. He previously
served as Editor of The Diplomat and as a WSD Handa Fellow
at Pacific Forum: CSIS
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