Indonesia: Setback For ISIS, Opportunity For
Widodo – Analysis
In a
major setback to Islamic State (ISIS) in Southeast Asia, a top court in
Indonesia has sentenced to death a cleric reckoned as the de facto supremo of
ISIS apologists in Indonesia, an extraordinary judgment that emphasizes a
stiffening tone against terrorists in the world’s most populous Muslim-majority
nation.
The judgment against Aman Abdurrahman (pictured in court above), founder
of Indonesia’s most barbarous pro-ISIS group Jamaah Ansharut
Daulah, came after national grieving over family suicide
bombings in Surabaya last month and enactment of an anti-terrorism
law that gave police extended power to confine terror suspects.
More than 100 suspected terrorists have been taken into custody since the
recent bombings.
But Abdurrahman declined to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the
court, which is part of his non-acceptance of secular government in
Indonesia and desperation to supersede it with sharia law. Capital
punishments in Indonesia, a country that has faced
incessant terror from armed jihadist groups since 1998, are carried out by
firing squad.
Abdurrahman was first jailed in 2004 after a bomb he made was
prematurely detonated at a house in West Java, and again in 2011 for his
role in establishing a jihadist breeding camp in Aceh province. He
has also been found culpable for masterminding the first
ISIS-linked terrorist attack in Indonesia, which left four dead in Jakarta in
2016.
In spite of being jailed since 2011, he has recruited a lot of
newbie militants to join ISIS, is assumed to have been
in touch with leaders of the jihadist group, and is the chief
interpreter for ISIS propaganda in Indonesia, according to Indonesian
authorities. Because of the insufficient management of militants in
Indonesia’s crowded prisons, Abdurrahman had a free hand
to disseminate radicalism, and interacted with his followers in
the outside world through visitors and video conferences.
Adhe Bhakti,
an analyst at the Center for Radicalization and De-radicalization Studies in
Jakarta, has said it is possible that militants will respond to Abdurrahman’s
death sentence with reprisal plots.
“His words alone have been able to incite followers to carry out
terrorism,” he said. “The security forces must raise awareness and all
intelligence services in Indonesia must coordinate well.”
According to Bhakti, there were seven ISIS attacks and three foiled
plots in Indonesia in 2017, compared with no attacks in 2015.
Ridwan Habib,
a terrorism expert at the University of Indonesia, says the death sentence for
Abdurrahman will just spark retaliations from his followers and the best
punishment for him would be a life sentence. Besides, he argued that capital
punishment was considered to be ineffective in deterring jihadi terrorists,
since dying for their cause has been one of their end goals all along.
Indonesia has mostly restrained the terrorist menace since the
heyday of al-Qaeda-linked attacks in the early 2000s, but with the advance of
Islamic State – considering the group’s potential to assert territorial
dominion as demonstrated last year by the five-month seizure of
Marawi in the neighboring Philippines – has left Indonesian authorities fearful
that a new phase is in the offing.
ISIS’ incessant rise has brainwashed about 700 Indonesians to travel to
Syria and join the fighting alongside jihadis. Indonesian authorities fear that
many of these people could return home from the Syrian battlefields and help
finance domestic terrorist groups. The evident growth of small terrorist groups
– including, distressingly, family groups – indicates that Indonesia will be
dealing more and more with sleeper cells that are mostly self-directed and even
more difficult to keep under surveillance or infiltrate than in the past.
Furthermore, Indonesia, with an immense population of young Muslims,
many of whom have a presence in social media, will have to grapple with
significant numbers of people with radical perspectives. And the troubles do
not only come from Indonesians falling victim to ISIS commands from the Middle
East. Research in Indonesia has shown that dynamics in some local religious
groupings favor those who condone the ISIS reorientation of the world.
President Joko Widodo, who has already sensed the present threats and
future challenges, has backed a new policy configured to forbid youth from
coming under the influence of radical views. Indonesia is on the path to
developing numerous educational programs and materials aimed at furthering the
country’s motto of “unity in diversity.”
However, massive monitoring by counterterrorism forces also advances the
probability of human-rights violations, and grave concerns that the new
educational programs could endanger freedom of expression. Indonesia, like many
other countries, finds itself in the dilemma of trying balance democratic
ideals with the war against terrorism. These are challenging issues for Widodo.
Support for terrorism among Indonesian Muslims is marginal. After all,
Muslims comprise a huge number of those killed in jihadist attacks. But there
are many on the radical Islamist side of Indonesian politics who have
criticized the consolidation of the anti-terrorism regime – if only to find
shortcomings in Widodo.
There is no doubt that if Aman Abdurrahman is finally executed, he is
likely to be acknowledged as a martyr by his followers, which could inspire
more terrorist attacks in the near future. But with presidential elections
coming closer, it is unlikely that Widodo will wait long to send him to the
firing squad. Even if Abdurrahman begs for clemency from the state, there is no
chance of a pardon for his heinous crimes.
If there is to be a genuine development over the long term, Widodo will
also have to pay heed more attentively to the old remedies: working with the
Islamic schools for interfaith cooperation, enacting new prison reforms, and
retaining Indonesia’s highly effective de-radicalization programs. He will also
have to develop new strategies to deal with terror systems that are constantly
adapting.
*Abhishek Mohanty is studying M.A Politics: International and Area Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. He is a Junior Research Associate at German Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance- Bangkok, Junior Researcher at Center for Southeast Asian Studies- Indonesia, and Research Intern at Centre for Vietnam Studies- New Delhi. He is a member of Kalinga-Lanka Foundation. Research interests include critical analysis of foreign policies, regional and global issues of Indo-Pacific states. This article appeared at Asia Times.
*Abhishek Mohanty is studying M.A Politics: International and Area Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. He is a Junior Research Associate at German Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance- Bangkok, Junior Researcher at Center for Southeast Asian Studies- Indonesia, and Research Intern at Centre for Vietnam Studies- New Delhi. He is a member of Kalinga-Lanka Foundation. Research interests include critical analysis of foreign policies, regional and global issues of Indo-Pacific states. This article appeared at Asia Times.
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