For the past few weeks, the
top story coming out of Southeast Asia is the assassination
of Kim Jong Nam, the step-brother of Kim Jong-un, the ruler of North Korea. The
assassination itself is still a mystery and does not follow the usual pattern
employed by North Korea. For example, the two female assassins who sprayed the
toxin on Kim Jong Nam’s face were not North Koreans but an Indonesian and a
Vietnamese with no prior links to intelligence work. It will take a while yet
before the entire story unravels.
One
question that is often asked, but not adequately answered, is the issue of why
Kim Jong Nam would travel to Malaysia often, and for this fatal trip, travel
without bodyguards. There are credible reports that he has been
travelling regularly to Malaysia since 2010, most probably because his
relative, Jang Yong-chol, was the then DPRK ambassador to Malaysia. By all
accounts, he should have stayed away from Malaysia after Yong-chol and his family
were executed in December 2013 as part of the
purge in Pyongyang.
What is
not widely known, inside and outside Malaysia, is that there is a vibrant
Korean community in Malaysia. There are approximately 15-20,000 Koreans living
in Malaysia. The overwhelming number of them are South Koreans. In fact, the
Korean community in Malaysia is large enough for two ‘Korean towns’ in the
capital Kuala Lumpur – one in Ampang and the other one in Mont Kiara. Kuala
Lumpur is also one of the few places with a full DPRK Embassy and, until a few
years ago, you could catch a direct flight from Kuala Lumpur to Pyongyang on
Air Koryo, North Korea’s official airline famed for using old Russian
jetliners.
It is
also not widely known that there are a few dozen North Koreans working in mining operations in
the Malaysian state of Sarawak, arranged through a special deal between the
governments of North Korea and the Sarawak state government. What is unusual
about this deal is that the North Koreans can only work for that particular
mining company and they cannot work elsewhere in Malaysia.
Malaysia
has always been an unofficial sanctuary for all sorts of political operators
not welcomed by their own governments. Many of these operators have used
Malaysia as a base from which to carry on their activities, as a transit point
or as a safe haven for some rest and recreation. Many of them are in fact
wanted by their own governments.
There are
numerous examples going back decades.
In the
early 1960s, when a group of rebels linked to Partai Rakyat Brunei (the
Brunei Peoples’ Party) failed to overthrow the Brunei Sultan, the rebel
leadership was given sanctuary in Malaysia before they eventually moved to
Indonesia. When Ferdinand Marcos was forced to flee to Hawaii in 1986, some of
his children and immediate relatives relocated to Kuala Lumpur and some of them
were enrolled in an international school there.
Members
of the Cambodian royal family lived in Kuala Lumpur throughout the era when
Cambodia was under the reign of the murderous Khmer Rouge (1975-1979). For the past
decade, the daughter of late King Norodom Sihanouk has been the Cambodian
Ambassador to Malaysia. During the 1994 political crisis in Cambodia, another
of King Sihanouk’s sons was forced to flee to Malaysia first before leaving for
France.
When the
Maldives experienced political turmoil in the 1990s, several of their leading
politicians moved their families to Malaysia. The most prominent of them was
the Zaki family, owners of the Nazaki group in the Maldives. One family member
ended up as the Maldives ambassador to Malaysia.
Since the
late 1960s and 1970s, many leaders of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
and the Pattani United Liberation Organization have lived openly in Malaysia.
The MNLF, for a short period, even had a training camp in Sabah in the early
1970s. Many other groups operating in Mindanao have links to Sabah and many of
their leaders even carry Malaysian identity cards.
Muslim
separatists in Southern Thailand have always found sanctuary in the four
northern Malay states. It is not uncommon for some members of the Malay
community in Pattani to hold a Malaysian identity card in addition to Thai
citizenship. In fact, one of the Pattani separatist leaders, who headed an
outfit called ‘Bersatu’, was a lecturer at the International Islamic University
in Gombak, Malaysia. When Wan Abdul Kadir Che Wan was exposed by the media in
2004, the university claimed they did not know his true identity.
This was despite the fact that he was in regular contact with Malaysian
security services who were acting as peace mediators in Southern Thailand.
Since the
1990s the operational headquarters of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka
or GAM) was based in Kedah. In 2000, an Acehnese separatist leader, Teuku Don
Zulfahri, was shot dead in Kuala Lumpur while having lunch. The leadership
moved back to Aceh after peace was established due to the new political
environment created by the tsunami in December 2004. There are still family
ties between the factions in Aceh and Malaysia.
In more
recent times, in the 1980s and 1990s, Abu Bakar Bashir, the spiritual head of
Jemaah Islamiyah lived openly in Johor for 17 years after the Suharto regime
went after him. Bashir was not only a Malaysian permanent resident but he
helped establish a religious school in Malaysia and hosted other Indonesian
militants who were wanted by the Indonesian government.
In 2014,
two Myanmar politicians, Aye Maung, a member of parliament, and Aye Thar Aung,
the President of the Arakan League for Democracy, were fired upon by their
countrymen in front of a hotel in Kuala Lumpur. It is widely known that the
large Myanmar community (including the Rohingya) living in Malaysia includes
some political exiles who are still active in Myanmar politics.
The most
recent political exile operating openly in Malaysia is Dr Zakir Naik, the
controversial Indian Islamic evangelist who operates an outfit called the
Islamic Research Foundation. He has been accused by the Indian and Bangladeshi
governments of inspiring young people to join Islamic State (IS). He has been
denied entry to several Western countries, including the UK and Canada, for
hate speech. Zaik is not only welcomed in Malaysia but he was given Malaysian
permanent residency in record time. Earlier in 2013, the Malaysian government conferred a Ma’al Hijrah Distinguished Personality
award to Naik. The award was personally presented to Naik by the King of
Malaysia. The latest report coming out of Malaysia suggests that he has
established a new office in Putrajaya, Malaysia’s administrative capital. This
would not have happened without the support of the Malaysian government.
So what
does this all mean? It means that we should not be surprised that political
assassinations take place in Malaysia occasionally. Kim travelled in and out of
Malaysia because Malaysia has a long history of allowing political exiles from
other countries freedom to come into the country. There was also a sizeable
Korean community in Malaysia.
As long
as Malaysia allows political exiles who are still active to live in Malaysia,
political violence not related to Malaysia will occur on Malaysian soil. The
Kim killing was not the first and will not be the last.
Professor James Chin is Director of the Asia
Institute of Tasmania, University of Tasmania.
This
article is published in collaboration with Policy Forum
— Asia and the Pacific’s platform for policy analysis and discussion.
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