As Malcolm Turnbull prepared for his first visit to
Beijing as prime minister last month, prominent members of Australia’s Chinese
community inserted themselves into one of the stickiest issues dividing two
nations increasingly bound by trade.
In Sydney, some 60 community leaders affirmed Beijing’s hotly-disputed
territorial claims in the South China Sea, warning Australia’s political elites
against “irrational” or “incorrect” interpretations of the situation.
Among the goals of the gathering, according to the Australian
Broadcasting Corporation, was “to bring together forces which could protect the
core interests of the Chinese nation.”
The meeting was organized by the Australian Action Committee for
Protecting Peace and Justice, a Sydney-based association which, among other
causes championed by Beijing, has protested against the Dalai Lama and
historical revisionism by Japan.
Even though vocal pro-Beijing activism by Australia’s Chinese diaspora
is rare, the gathering threw light on a discrete political lobby that has
emerged periodically to advocate the Chinese government’s position on
contentious issues.
During the Canberra leg of the torch relay for the 2008 Olympic Games,
community leaders and the Chinese embassy helped rally thousands to counter-protest
pro-Tibet demonstrators in an incident that was marked by violence and several
arrests.
In recent years, affiliates of the Communist Party of China have also
bought up Chinese-language media in Australia, prompting concerns here about
the suppression of commentary that is critical.
South
China Sea quandary
What makes advocating Beijing’s position noteworthy is it can often fly
in the face of the official line coming from Canberra.
On the South China Sea issue, Australia finds itself in an especially
uncomfortable position: while it does the most trade with China, it relies on
the United States, a persistent critic of Beijing’s territorial ambitions, for
its defense.
Beijing claims almost all of the South China Sea, denying the
overlapping claims of a host of Southeast Asian countries including the
Philippines and Vietnam. While Canberra has not taken a formal position of the
validity of the various claims, it has agitated Beijing by supporting
arbitration and conducting air and sea patrols ostensibly intended to uphold
freedom of navigation.
The AACPJ did not respond to inquires about its advocacy. The Australian
Council for the Promotion of Peaceful Reunification of China, another group
which pushes Beijing’s stance on Chinese independence movements, declined to
comment.
Ethnic
backing for Beijing ‘common’?
But Erin Chew, co-founder of the Asian Australian Alliance, told Asia
Times that pro-Beijing sentiment among Chinese-Australians, who make up around
4% of the population, was likely common but often went unsaid.
“A lot of it is quite passive,” said Chew, who is of Chinese
origin. “So they will send emails around, some may talk to specific politicians
and things like that but they are not really active in regards to talking to
the media about it or
Chew said that many within the diaspora were reluctant to voice their
opinions for fear of being labelled “50 cent,” a Mandarin term for overseas
Chinese alleged to receive government money for writing positive posts online,
or even a Chinese spy.
“All these words kind of loom around and I do feel that a lot of people
do think that way (supportive of Beijing), but it’s very difficult to quantify
it because people are not speaking out about it because they are afraid to be
called pro-China, they are afraid to be called pro-Chinese government,” she
said.
While Chew personally believes Australia should not intervene in the
South China Sea dispute, she stressed there was a wide variation in opinion
among Chinese-Australians, with differences often based when they or their
family emigrated, and from where.
“Some Hong Kong Chinese will support Australia’s position because of
other political factors that are happening, whereas others may see it
differently. So again it depends how it is viewed, what political situation is
happening in their own Chinese community,” she said.
Conservative
Aussies react
Along with more general anti-Chinese sentiment, often connected to land
purchases by Chinese concerns and rising house prices blamed on Chinese
investment, pro-Beijing activism has provoked a negative reaction specifically
tied to the nature of Australian identity.
Reacting to the recent AACPJ meeting, high-profile conservative
columnist Andrew Bolt lamented the “tribalization” that saw people pledge
loyalty to a certain race, religion or country of origin rather than Australia.
But Chew said such commentary assumed that immigrants had to assimilate
and accept the majority viewpoint to be considered members of “team Australia.”
“So he, in a way, is trying to segregate the community and divide and
rule the community by what he says,” she said.
John Power is a journalist who has reported on North and South Korea since 2010.
His work has appeared in outlets including The Daily Mail, The Christian
Science Monitor, Mashable, NK News, Asian Geographic, The Diplomat, The Korea
Herald and Narratively, among others. He is currently based in Melbourne,
Australia.
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