FEW television dramas boast a plot as far-fetched as
the one that has unfolded in North-East Asian geopolitics over the past two
weeks. Days after North Korea tested a ballistic missile on February 12th, two
women assassinated the half-brother of Kim Jong Un, North Korea’s leader, by
throwing chemicals in his face at a Malaysian airport. The alleged killers said
they were duped into taking part, believing the attack was a prank for a TV
comedy. Malaysian police suspect that a North Korean diplomat in Malaysia may
have been among the organisers, several of whom are thought to have fled to
Pyongyang.
Amid such skulduggery,
China’s announcement on February 18th that it would suspend imports of coal
from North Korea, from the next day to the end of this year, seemed a little
mundane. But China’s state-controlled media played up the decision. Global
Times, a newspaper in Beijing, said the move
would make it harder for North Korea to exploit international differences over
the imposition of UN sanctions aimed at curtailing its nuclear programme. China
appeared to be signalling to the world that it was ratcheting up pressure on
its troublesome friend, as the Americans have long insisted it should.
Or it may just be posturing. On February
21st China’s foreign ministry softened the message somewhat. It said imports
were being suspended because China had already bought as much coal from North
Korea this year as it was allowed to under the UN’s sanctions, to which China
gave its approval last March. But North Korea-watchers doubt that China could
have imported its yearly quota of 7.5m tonnes in a mere six weeks. It had not
appeared likely to reach its annual limit until April or May. And exceeding
that cap had not been expected to matter much to China. In 2016 it imported
about three times the permitted amount, using a loophole that allows trade if
it helps the “livelihood” of ordinary North Koreans.
Advancing the date of the suspension, if
that is what happened, would certainly have sent a strong message to North
Korea, which depends on coal exports for much of its foreign currency.
Announcing the move so publicly, and unexpectedly, will have shown to North
Korea that China is ready to take the initiative instead of waiting to be
prodded by America, as it usually does when North Korea offends.
The test of an intermediate-range missile
will have rattled China. It suggested that North Korea has learned how to fire
such weapons at short notice, from hard-to-detect mobile launchers. The murder
of Kim Jong Nam may have been an even bigger blow. Mr Kim had been living on
Chinese soil in the gambling enclave of Macau, probably under Chinese
government protection. Some Chinese officials may have hoped that Mr Kim, who
favours economic opening, would one day replace his half-brother. With his
death “you lose one option”, says Jia Qingguo of Peking University. It has
reminded China that North Korea’s dictator is doggedly determined to rule in
his own way, regardless of China’s or anyone else’s views.
Growing frustration with North Korea is
evident in China’s more relaxed attitude towards criticism of its neighbour. In
2013 an editor of a Communist Party-controlled publication was fired for
arguing in an article that “China should abandon North Korea.” These days,
academics often air that idea. Debate about North Korea now rages openly
online, largely uncensored (except when people use it as a way of attacking
their own regime, jokingly referred to as “West Korea”). The murder of Kim Jong
Nam unleashed a torrent of ridicule towards his country by Chinese netizens.
China still sees North Korea as a useful buffer against America’s army deployed
in the South. But it increasingly regards the North as a liability as well,
says Mr Jia.
In America’s court?
China would clearly like its
tough-sounding approach to encourage President Donald Trump to rethink his
country’s strategy for dealing with North Korea. America has been reluctant to
enter direct talks because the North has blatantly cheated on past
deals—knowing that China would continue to prop it up. With China more clearly
on America’s side, the Americans would have greater confidence, Chinese
officials hope. Mr Trump has previously said he would be happy to have a
hamburger with Mr Kim and try to persuade him to give up his nukes. The trouble
is, Mr Kim sees those weapons as the one thing that guarantees the survival of
his odious regime.
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