There is an emerging
ideological convergence among activists from different Indonesian Islamic
groups toward a more Shariah-oriented outlook. Such a convergence can be seen
from the joint efforts of these activists to enact local Islamic regulations in
various Indonesian regions.
Since the Defending Islam rallies in
late 2016 and early 2017, there is a perception of a growing ideological
convergence between clerics and activists affiliated with different Indonesian
Islamic groups, ranging from mainstream ones such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and
Muhammadiyah – the two largest Indonesian Islamic groups, to the more
conservative groups such as Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and Islamic
Defenders Front (FPI).
Beyond the headlines, this apparent
convergence can be found in numerous localities throughout Indonesia. Since
Indonesia’s political decentralisation began in 2001, activists from these
groups have worked together in numerous localities throughout Indonesia to
successfully enact and implement local shari’ah regulations known as perda
shari’ah in these localities. As of today, nearly 450 local regulations have
been implemented by more than 100 Indonesian cities and municipalities.
The Pamekasan Case
Previous research on Islamic regulations in Indonesia
concluded that these regulations were developed to bolster the Islamic
credentials of local mayors or regents (bupati) so that they could easily win
re-election to their positions. They also found the regulations tend to be
enacted in the regions with a strong history of Islamism in their politics, for
instance, in West Java and South Sulawesi provinces, which were former sites of
the Darul Islam rebellion during the 1950s and early 1960s.
However, research by the RSIS’ Indonesia Programme found these
regulations are enacted by local councils (DPRD) and executives after extensive
lobbying by prominent clerics representing a wide variety of Islamic
organisations, which lends support to the ideological convergence thesis
outlined above. Also these regulations are now being introduced in areas that
historically do not have a strong tradition of regional Islamism, such as in
East and Central Java provinces.
An example can be found in the Pamekasan District in Madura Island,
East Java province. The regulation here was enacted after an extensive lobbying
campaign by a group of local religious scholars (ulama). They were united under
the banner of the local branch of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI), with
support from the local branches of NU, Muhammadiyah, Al Irsyad, and Sarekat
Islam (SI).
The perda was enacted unanimously by Pamekasan’s legislative council
owing to the united support from these Islamic organisations, which argued the
regulation should be enacted because of the strong Islamic tradition present
both within the regency and Madura Island in general.
Uztaz Dwiyanto, the deputy chairman of MUI branch in Pamekasan, said no
DPRD councillors were willing to oppose it, as the ulama would have “campaigned
to vote them out of office” if they expressed any opposition to the regulation.
Kyai Haji Kholil-ur-Rahman, a notable cleric who led the movement to enact the
regulation, was then elected as the Bupati of Pamekasan from 2008 to 2013.
After Pamekasan enacted the first
perda in 2003, at least five additional regulations were also enacted by the
regency — including those which require women to wear headscarves (hijab) while
appearing in public places, require all primary school graduates to be tested
on their Qur’anic reading proficiency, prohibit the sale of alcoholic
beverages, and prohibit the establishment of nightclubs and other forms of
entertainment within the regency.
The Bojonegoro Regulation
A second example can be found in
Bojonegoro District, in the border between East and Central Java provinces.
While it is historically known as an area where non-observant Muslims (abangan)
predominated as late as the 1980s, it is now transformed as a region where deep
expressions of Islamic piety now can be seen clearly in the public sphere. This
motivates a group of local clerics to promote a perda mandating primary school
graduates to recite the Qur’an properly.
Introduced in 2017, the proposed
regulation receives strong support from local branches of Islamic
organisations, ranging from NU and Muhammadiyah to more conservative groups
like HTI. The latter organisation is having an increased following within this
rural region. It has established its own Islamic cooperative, which has
attracted many small farmers and tradesmen to become its members, because it
does not charge any interests on its loans.
With the Islamist Prosperous Justice
Party (PKS) as its primary sponsor, the regulation receives wide support from
Bojonegoro’s legislative council. The only party which publicly opposes its
enactment is the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (PDIP), which expresses
concerns that the regulation intervenes in the private lives of Bojonegoro
residents.
It also believes the perda
can be perceived as a regulation that favours Muslims over other religious
faiths, something that violates Indonesia’s national ideology Pancasila, which
promotes the equality of all recognised religious groups in Indonesia.
However, other parties represented
in the legislative council have expressed their support for the perda, because
they do not want to be seen as intimidating the local ulama who are unanimously
supporting it, especially as the regency is due to hold its local election in
June this year. It is expected to win an easy passage in the council.
Underlying Implications
The effective lobbying for local
shari’ah regulations in Pamekasan and Bojonegoro districts illustrates the emerging
ideological convergence among activists of mainstream and more conservative
Islamic groups in Indonesia to support the enactment of these regulations. This
is notwithstanding the fact they are contradictory to the national ideology of
Pancasila and the 1945 Indonesian constitution, which bars the creation of laws
that favours one religious group above others.
The proliferation of these
regulations in multiple localities throughout Indonesia is a ‘bottom-up’
strategy by Islamic groups to change Indonesia’s legal foundation to become
more religiously-based instead of Pancasila-based. This is something Indonesian
policymakers should be paying more attention to in order to better appreciate
the implications for nation building.
*Alexander R Arifianto PhD is a Research Fellow
with the Indonesia Programme, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
(RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
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