ASEAN yet to lay the
foundations of the ASEAN Economic Community
With
just six months left before the end of 2015 and the scheduled implementation of
the ASEAN Economic Community, it is clear that the member nations of ASEAN are
far behind in planning what is supposed to be the integration of the region
into a close-knit community featuring free movement of goods, services, skilled
labor and freer flow of capital.
It is a significant step forward and could be a crucial turning point
for ASEAN. But without a strong central authority and mandate, ASEAN
integration will remain in a mess and the AEC remain an illusion. A single
market across ASEAN nations requires a strong central authority that can
harmonize and standardize regional regulations, and it must be recognized by
all member countries.
ASEAN will need a guardian of competition. It will need to significantly
improve the current trade competition policy and arbitration. The scheme itself
requires a consensual agreement among members that should be implemented as a
bundle. That is, governments should not be allowed to pick and choose among
components or sectors.
ASEAN is dealing with a colossal and ambitious task but with limited
resources and capacity.
But how limited are these resources? ASEAN has no intention to become a
supranational organization like the European Union, where members coordinate
within the context of intergovernmentalism. The internal dynamics of ASEAN
institutions have been designed to uphold the roles of national governments and
the norms of the association — known as the ASEAN Way.
The ASEAN Secretariat — the current central authority and only real
institutional organ — remains at the margins of ASEAN policymaking. It does not
possess the mandate or power to command individual member states, or the power
to devise common policies on its own. It is a glorified secretary, responsible
for only administrative support, sorting out the daily paper work and arranging
meetings for the organization.
There is no guarantee that the central authority will implement policy
effectively and ASEAN will be unlikely to enforce compliance from obstinate
members. Interestingly, Barry Desker pointed out that
during the preceding 40 years of ASEAN, only 30 percent of agreements were
actually implemented.
ASEAN
will need to increase funding if it is to strengthen the Secretariat. The current
operational budget relies on equal contributions by the member states,
reflecting the norms of equality and stemming from the belief that different
contributions might lead to a hierarchy of powers. The payment has never been
increased substantially and has been kept low enough to ensure the poorest
members can pay. ASEAN also receives substantial funding from dialogue partners
and external donors — mostly through specific projects or operations — but this
is not sustainable in the long run if ASEAN wishes to present itself to the
world as a non-aligned power.
The Secretariat lacks professional staff,
making it difficult for it to become a powerful central administration and the
backbone of the association. It employs roughly 300 staff: 65 managers and experts, 180
local staff and 55 people from donor organizations. These figures are miniscule
compared to other organizations with similar size and missions. They do not
fairly represent a community of 625 million people and a nominal GDP over
US$2.5 trillion.
The secretariat has also been facing
difficulties attracting talented and capable people. Working for ASEAN is not
seen as prestigious or well-paid, unlike other regional organisations that
could offer up to US$74,000 for bright talent.
These problems raise the question about how
prepared ASEAN is to implement the single market scheme, and how feasible that
scheme will be. The region contains countries that are prone to financial
shortfalls, domestic weakness, poor governance, corruption and coordination
problems.
The member states lack an ‘ASEAN mindset’ to
facilitate cross-national and cross-sectoral interactions. The AEC will not
thrive unless there is a significant improvement to how ASEAN policy is
implemented. ASEAN does not need to — and will not — depart from the ASEAN way
to become a supranational or fully-consultative organization like the EU.
But its central administration is a basis of
continuity. It needs to be given mandate and resources in order to acquire the
capacity to encourage compliance and support its administrative functions. This
could narrow the gap between ASEAN’s rhetoric of cooperation and its actual
commitments. It could improve the poor implementation record.
Additionally, the contribution system should be
substantially revised. It is not realistic nor applicable to the growing
activities of the association and the excessive tasks of the ASEAN Secretariat.
It should consider a GDP-based contribution system or seek other sources of
revenue such as a share of taxes, import duties and licensing.
Finally, ASEAN awareness must be promoted among
private sectors and ordinary citizens. The AEC could bring tremendous benefits
to their daily lives. Improved ASEAN awareness would encourage public scrutiny
and would put massive pressure on governments to focus on accomplishing the AEC
in time.
ASEAN is not quite ready for the AEC. But with
some significant improvements to how the ASEAN Secretariat is run, it may just
be possible.
Dr Pattharapong Rattanasevee is a lecturer at Burapha University, Chonburi,
Thailand. This was adopted from an article that appeared on the website of the
East Asia Forum, This was written for the East Asia
Forum, a platform for analysis and research on politics,
economics, business, law, security, international relations and society
centered on the Asia Pacific region. It is based out of the Crawford School of Public Policy at
the Australian
National University
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