As Indonesians
commemorated the anti-Chinese riots in May 1998, another riot erupted in
Vietnam.
While the riots in Jakarta, Medan and Surakarta 16 years ago targeted Indonesians of Chinese descent, the uprising in Vietnam was aimed at the People’s Republic of China. Similarly to when buildings in Jakarta were painted with “Muslim” or “Pribumi” to avoid the attention of the mobs, some factory and shop owners in Vietnam flew the flag in the hope of keeping the rioters away from their assets.
Vietnam is the only country in Southeast Asia that was mainly influenced by China rather than India, Arab countries, Spain or Portugal. For more than 2,000 years China attempted to incorporate Vietnam into its empire, and even as adversaries or vassals, Vietnam followed the Chinese way. Like Korea and Japan, Vietnam adopted Chinese bureaucracy, Confucianism and social customs.
On the other hand, Vietnamese history is littered with resistance and defense against Chinese invasion, from the Trung sisters to the golden age of the Le Dynasty in the 15th century. Even the French had to fight the Chinese, rather than Vietnamese, when they conquered Vietnam in the 19th century. The Vietnamese desire to confront China, however, was so great that it allied with the Soviet Union during the Vietnam War rather than the People’s Republic of China and destroyed China’s ally the Khmer Rouge before fighting an inconclusive war with China in 1979.
There were plenty of Chinese-Vietnamese, but many of them left as the infamous “boat people”, trying to make new lives in the United States, France, Australia and Hong Kong. Some could make it in the West (never in Asia) and escaped the jaws of crime and poverty to become successful doctors, artists and even mayors. Some migrated to Vietnam in the last 20 years to establish restaurants, schools and enterprises. They are proudly Vietnamese and many scoff at the idea that they are Chinese — they cannot read and speak Chinese and fought Chinese kids back in California.
The rise of China and how it relates to the world is interesting, to understate the fact. There are Chinese citizens living and working all over the globe and there are ethnic Chinese holding any nationality, often referred to as “overseas Chinese” by academics. There are certainly strange relations between China and its diaspora worldwide.
Many overseas Chinese are pleased with the rising profile of the Mandarin language, China’s brands like Lenovo and WeChat and megacities like Shanghai and Guangzhou. But they are also put off by China’s pollution, censorship and authoritarianism.
China presents itself as a more sincere and humble friend to the world compared to the United States, but even it cannot sympathize with overseas Chinese.
China offered no political support to special region Hong Kong over its dispute with the Philippines after the death of Hong Kong tourists taken hostage by a rogue police officer in Manila. It does not support Chinese-Indonesians seeking justice for the riots that involved rape and murder. During the days of rage over the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370, China made little effort to connect with Malaysians — Chinese or not.
Tourists from China have outnumbered other nationalities in various countries including Indonesia, but they are yet to leave a positive impression with locals the way Western and Japanese tourists do.
In fact ethnic Chinese have made anti-China, rather than anti-Chinese, demonstrations in Singapore and Hong Kong.
Althou gh they share the same heritage, written language and religions, Chinese Singaporeans and Hong Kongers lambast their cousins from the mainland over job competition, urban crowding and reckless behavior.
Overseas Chinese were legendary for their adaptability, but the recent Chinese migrants, shaped by the strong position of China in global economics and the very violent China of the 20th century, seem to be in general more combative, more uncompromising and less understanding toward other groups.
This could be good — Chinese foreign students in the United States are generally more confident than Chinese-American students in parties and dating — but also could be bad, like in refusing to follow social customs of Chinese Singaporeans who are proud of their Peranakan background or the British-oriented Chinese Hong Kongers.
The most popular citizen of China, tennis player Li Na, is liked for her “anti-China” behavior — sporting tattoos, being expressive, respecting the host country and thanking her husband (while making fun of him) instead of her nation. She is a role model for many women, both Chinese and non-Chinese. In fact her personality does not have to be called “anti-China” at all — she just has good manners, the essence of Confucius’ philosophy. If she can do it, other citizens of China and other ethnic Chinese can do it too, even without being amazing on the tennis court.
Sinophobia — fear of Chinese people and their culture — will always be with us, and often it is based on unjust prejudice and fear. It can be defeated with good manners, not with hiding in anonymity like many overseas Chinese do, or with arrogance and rudeness like many Chinese do.
If the Chinese could speak more clearly and listen better, half of world’s problems would be solved.
The writer Mario Rustan, teaches English and Australian cultural studies at Uni-Bridge, St. Aloysius High School, Bandung.
While the riots in Jakarta, Medan and Surakarta 16 years ago targeted Indonesians of Chinese descent, the uprising in Vietnam was aimed at the People’s Republic of China. Similarly to when buildings in Jakarta were painted with “Muslim” or “Pribumi” to avoid the attention of the mobs, some factory and shop owners in Vietnam flew the flag in the hope of keeping the rioters away from their assets.
Vietnam is the only country in Southeast Asia that was mainly influenced by China rather than India, Arab countries, Spain or Portugal. For more than 2,000 years China attempted to incorporate Vietnam into its empire, and even as adversaries or vassals, Vietnam followed the Chinese way. Like Korea and Japan, Vietnam adopted Chinese bureaucracy, Confucianism and social customs.
On the other hand, Vietnamese history is littered with resistance and defense against Chinese invasion, from the Trung sisters to the golden age of the Le Dynasty in the 15th century. Even the French had to fight the Chinese, rather than Vietnamese, when they conquered Vietnam in the 19th century. The Vietnamese desire to confront China, however, was so great that it allied with the Soviet Union during the Vietnam War rather than the People’s Republic of China and destroyed China’s ally the Khmer Rouge before fighting an inconclusive war with China in 1979.
There were plenty of Chinese-Vietnamese, but many of them left as the infamous “boat people”, trying to make new lives in the United States, France, Australia and Hong Kong. Some could make it in the West (never in Asia) and escaped the jaws of crime and poverty to become successful doctors, artists and even mayors. Some migrated to Vietnam in the last 20 years to establish restaurants, schools and enterprises. They are proudly Vietnamese and many scoff at the idea that they are Chinese — they cannot read and speak Chinese and fought Chinese kids back in California.
The rise of China and how it relates to the world is interesting, to understate the fact. There are Chinese citizens living and working all over the globe and there are ethnic Chinese holding any nationality, often referred to as “overseas Chinese” by academics. There are certainly strange relations between China and its diaspora worldwide.
Many overseas Chinese are pleased with the rising profile of the Mandarin language, China’s brands like Lenovo and WeChat and megacities like Shanghai and Guangzhou. But they are also put off by China’s pollution, censorship and authoritarianism.
China presents itself as a more sincere and humble friend to the world compared to the United States, but even it cannot sympathize with overseas Chinese.
China offered no political support to special region Hong Kong over its dispute with the Philippines after the death of Hong Kong tourists taken hostage by a rogue police officer in Manila. It does not support Chinese-Indonesians seeking justice for the riots that involved rape and murder. During the days of rage over the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370, China made little effort to connect with Malaysians — Chinese or not.
Tourists from China have outnumbered other nationalities in various countries including Indonesia, but they are yet to leave a positive impression with locals the way Western and Japanese tourists do.
In fact ethnic Chinese have made anti-China, rather than anti-Chinese, demonstrations in Singapore and Hong Kong.
Althou gh they share the same heritage, written language and religions, Chinese Singaporeans and Hong Kongers lambast their cousins from the mainland over job competition, urban crowding and reckless behavior.
Overseas Chinese were legendary for their adaptability, but the recent Chinese migrants, shaped by the strong position of China in global economics and the very violent China of the 20th century, seem to be in general more combative, more uncompromising and less understanding toward other groups.
This could be good — Chinese foreign students in the United States are generally more confident than Chinese-American students in parties and dating — but also could be bad, like in refusing to follow social customs of Chinese Singaporeans who are proud of their Peranakan background or the British-oriented Chinese Hong Kongers.
The most popular citizen of China, tennis player Li Na, is liked for her “anti-China” behavior — sporting tattoos, being expressive, respecting the host country and thanking her husband (while making fun of him) instead of her nation. She is a role model for many women, both Chinese and non-Chinese. In fact her personality does not have to be called “anti-China” at all — she just has good manners, the essence of Confucius’ philosophy. If she can do it, other citizens of China and other ethnic Chinese can do it too, even without being amazing on the tennis court.
Sinophobia — fear of Chinese people and their culture — will always be with us, and often it is based on unjust prejudice and fear. It can be defeated with good manners, not with hiding in anonymity like many overseas Chinese do, or with arrogance and rudeness like many Chinese do.
If the Chinese could speak more clearly and listen better, half of world’s problems would be solved.
The writer Mario Rustan, teaches English and Australian cultural studies at Uni-Bridge, St. Aloysius High School, Bandung.
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