U.S. post-2014 development plans for Central Asia
are worthy, but at risk of strategic failure
The United States is due to leave Central Asia by the end of
2014. Along with troops, money and equipment, U.S. interests in the region will
also be pulled back. As it withdraws, the U.S. State Department is emphasizing
a project called “The New Silk Road,” aimed at facilitating Central
Asia’s efforts to return to its historic role as the gateway between East and
West.
The crux of the initiative is the construction of the nearly
$1 billion Central Asia South Asia electrical transmission line or CASA-1000,
which stretches 759 miles and connects surplus summer hydroelectricity in
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to electricity-starved Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Unfortunately, America’s well-intentioned, last-ditch effort to leave a positive legacy in Central Asia
attempts to bypass broader regional issues that will ultimately threaten the
realization of this project.
It’s important to get CASA-1000 right. The objective is to
help create a functioning electricity system for the region that can “help
develop a strong economy with good jobs, modern infrastructure, proper social
services and inclusive growth.” The CASA-1000 project is also consistent with
U.S.-led efforts to help create alternative energy corridors for post-Soviet
countries to break their dependence on Russia’s vestigial infrastructural ties.
One of the most fundamental issues that the project ignores
is the dilapidated state of the domestic supply-side infrastructure upon which
the CASA-1000 project depends to provide the necessary electricity. Both
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan struggle with regular failures and blackouts due to
their inability to invest, maintain and upgrade a Soviet-era system that is on
its last legs. As a result, continued domestic failures will threaten the
project as a whole because of undependable energy deliveries.
In addition, there is no strategy to secure the
infrastructure either now or after the U.S. withdrawal. The CASA-1000 line runs
through four of the most unstable countries in the region and the post-2014
security vacuum is likely to make the situation worse. In fact, the Asian
Development Bank, which was slated to provide 40 percent of the financing,
pulled out of the project, unofficially citing security fears in
Afghanistan.
The high-profile nature of the project will make it a target
for those who seek to destabilize the region. The ability of local forces to
coordinate and secure 759 miles of infrastructure alone will be extremely
difficult. On top of everything, the rivalry and a very poor record of
cooperation among the regimes of Central Asia may be an even greater risk to
the project than non-systemic threats like the Taliban, local warlords and
narco-traffickers.
Uzbekistan has come out strongly against CASA-1000. Tashkent associates the project
with the planned construction of Kambarata-1 and Rogun dams by upstream
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, respectively. Uzbekistan believes the dams will be
used as a political tool to threaten its access to water. Despite signed
documents by participants assuring Tashkent that CASA-1000 will only utilize
existing surpluses, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon has openly linked the project to the construction of
the Rogun dam. And indeed it is not hard to believe that Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan would look beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan and consider producing
more energy for the virtually limitless markets of China and India.
Outside of Uzbekistan, the development of Central Asian
hydroelectricity is a mutually beneficial nexus of common interests. As many of
the region’s countries develop, energy demands for electricity will increase.
Russia, which is also a major hydropower, also stands to benefit greatly by
connecting to energy thirsty India and China. In fact, Russia has already
committed nearly $2 billion to Kyrgyzstan’s Kambarata-1 dam and has shown
interest in supporting Tajikistan’s Rogun.
Russia’s interests were confirmed when Russia’s Inter
RAO-United Electrical Systems recently signed a 25-year deal with China. Russia has
permanent interests in Central Asia and has shown a willingness to take on
massive financial and political risk in the region. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
would stand to benefit by plugging into a wider energy market and not only
becoming energy exporters, but transit countries as well. Russia’s experience
with Central Asian electrical systems and its own vast hydroelectric potential
makes Russia the best situated to facilitate Central Asia’s hydroelectric
revolution.
However, the U.S. is wary of Russian involvement in
CASA-1000 (and the region at large), fearing it will control any arrangement
and undermine Washington’s efforts to decouple Central Asia from Moscow’s
influence. Nevertheless, by including Russia and expanding the goals of
CASA-1000, the project can get closer to resolving many of its broader issues.
In addition, Russia will be a more responsible actor within the framework of a
CASA-1000 agreement than it would be bilaterally. If the U.S. continues to
purposefully limit the scope of CASA-1000, the project risks becoming isolated
instead of being a critical link in a larger network.
The project is full of politicized, but solvable problems.
The U.S. is pursuing a tactical success at the risk of strategic failure.
Unfortunately, the current state of the project provides little encouragement
as “industry insiders speaking privately tend to roll their
eyes when they discuss CASA-1000.” The U.S. and its partners are
ready to invest nearly $1 billion into the construction of an unprotected
electric line with a vulnerable supply whose economic viability will depend on
infrastructure that is 20 or 30 years old in a politically unstable region.
Russia might be the only country willing to invest the
necessary financial, security and political resources for the long term. After
the recent collapse of “the Reset,” CASA-1000 and the New Silk Road project can
serve as a conduit for mutually beneficial cooperation between the U.S.,
Central Asia and Russia. Coordinating the various regional interests can help
stabilize and develop the region. Otherwise, the U.S. will shift unrealistic
burdens and expectations on countries and institutions that do not have the
capacity, training or resources to guarantee the project’s long-term success.
Eugene Imas is the Program and Outreach Officer at
Georgetown University’s Center for Eurasian, Russian and East European Studies,
with postgraduate qualifications from the same Center. He served as a Peace
Corps volunteer in Kyrgyzstan from 2006-2008.
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