Australia Refugee Threat

Self-actualization gurus have often said that you can control your own life, and make whatever you like with it. What they seem to have neglected to say is that the starting point plays a crucial role.

If you were born into a comfortable middle-class family in a relatively stable, developed country, you may have a fair chance. But if you, as events are unraveling now, were born in the last three or four decades in Iraq, Afganistan or Sri Lanka, you may very likely have the odds stacked against you.

You may become involuntarily involved in events beyond your control, like political instability, violent conflicts or persecution based on ethnicity in your country, and if you try to escape, you may still become the subject of social and political profiling by those countries where you seek refuge. This is especially so if you dare to go there by boat, because the image derived from the social political profiling of boatpeople is not much better than that of criminals.

Western countries in general have been particularly sensitive to the idea of being infiltrated by "terrorists", or would-be terrorists, after the September 11 attack. Any "unauthorized" arrivals from regions regarded as hotbeds of terrorism are immediately suspect.

In late August 2001, in what is now infamously known in Australia as the Tampa Incident, 438 Afghan men, women and children were rescued from a 20-meter Indonesian wooden fishing boat, the Palapa 1, by a Norwegian cargo ship MV Tampa. By that time, the boat was falling apart, and some of the passengers had already jumped into the water, and others had thrown children overboard in the direction of those already in the water before jumping in themselves.

Curiously, what was immediately released to the media then and subsequently publicized was an image of adult passengers throwing their children overboard. And then the Australian prime minister John Howard was quoted as saying, "We don't want that kind of people in Australia," referring to those who "threw their children overboard". Howard successfully won an election after that incident, hailed as a hero who protected Australian borders from "unwanted" arrivals, all 438 of them, including children.

Earlier this month, on April 16, after a "lull" of several months, another boat from the Indonesian West Javanese port of Merak, carrying "unauthorized" arrivals, (mostly Afghanis, Iraqis and Sri Lankans), was intercepted near Ashmore Reef, off Australia's northwest coast.

According to the Australian Defense Department information, a Navy border patrol boat then approached the fishing boat and nine officers went on board. While the nine officers were there, there was an explosion which eventually sank the boat. Three people died in the incident, two were missing and dozens were injured. The two missing were later added to the fatalities. The casualty evacuation was fairly swift, taking the injured to mainland hospitals for treatment.

While police investigations are still going on, the Australian government will not release an official explanation as to what really occurred onboard the boat. However, some officials reportedly confirmed that some passengers, who were referred to as asylum seekers, spread petrol on the boat, threatening that they would burn it if they were not allowed to land in Australia.

These passengers reportedly had paid large sums of money to people smugglers in Indonesia. It was understood that they could not go back, either to Indonesia nor to their own countries to face further persecution. They were desperate. They had nothing to lose.

The tragedy invoked different reactions in Australia.

The opposition leader, Malcolm Turnbull, called for the return of Temporary Protection Visa legislation which would make it much harder for "unauthorized" arrivals to gain permanent residency. He claimed that Rudd's "softer" law had caused the pull factor: people come here in leaky boats because Australia sent out the message that it is easy to enter and stay here.

When interviewed on television, the medical officers who treated victims were visibly distressed seeing injuries of the burn victims. Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd did not dismiss the asylum seekers as "people we don't want to have in Australia", but lashed out at the people smugglers whom he called "scum of the earth" and condemned them to "rot in hell".

Most of us certainly do not regard people smugglers as model citizens. They do profit from other people's misery. However when emotions have subsided, a clearer picture comes to the surface - not pretty, but real - where they have their part in the tragic story.

The asylum seekers who arrive on boats are people who have fled their countries because they fear for their lives. They cannot find official avenues to plan their journeys to countries that will take them, so they seek out people smugglers, who unscrupulously take their life-savings and put them on unseaworthy vessels with a dubious promise and a good-luck wish.

Why do these people do it? Because they have no choice. They have to go somewhere.


Dewi Anggraeni , Melbourne

My Friend Is My Enemy in Thailand

ASIA HAND

BANGKOK - Once-coherent forces are fragmenting in Thailand,
promising to complicate standing political alliances while
disintegrating others. As Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva
strikes new conciliatory poses - including possible
constitutional reforms and an amnesty for more than 100 banned
politicians - the emerging realignment could ignite potent new
sources of instability and foil his government's strategy to
shore up its democratic mandate at new polls next year.
Officials and analysts are still weighing the significance of
last month's violent anti-government street protests and the
military's crackdown, which pitted forces aligned to exiled
former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra against Abhisit's
coalition government and its presumed backers in the military,
bureaucracy and royal Privy Council. Those clashes and the
subsequent assassination attempt of an anti-Thaksin protest
leader have opened new political fissures that have the
potential to spark more upheaval and violence.
The main wildcard, the red-shirted United Front for Democracy
Against Dictatorship (UDD) protest group, has fractured at the
top after last month's crackdown and temporary detainment of its
main leaders, according to a second-line UDD leader. Different
co-leaders have in recent weeks forwarded divergent strategies
for future resistance, with some promoting new mass protests
while others have advocated a more radical move towards armed
struggle.
Diplomats familiar with the situation say that UDD co-leader
Veera Musikapong was instrumental in steering the situation away
from a violent crescendo on April 13 when he agreed to disperse
the remaining 3,000 protestors after the military had encircled
the UDD's main protest site at Government House in Bangkok. The
same diplomats claim that certain UDD protesters on the site's
perimeter were that day armed with homemade explosive devices,
or ping pong bombs, which if launched could have easily
escalated the situation towards retaliatory violence.
While UDD co-leaders Veera, Jatuporn Prompan, Weng Tojirakarn
and Nattawut Saikuae have all called for new peaceful protests,
analysts suggest that Thaksin is now looking for a new UDD
leadership. Thaksin's close aides and former Communist Party of
Thailand members Prommin Lertsuridej and Phumtham Wechayachai
were floated in recent media reports as possible candidates. If
so, the UDD would appear to be splitting into two distinct
groups, with those favoring peaceful protests less aligned to
Thaksin and those calling for armed struggle more clearly in the
exiled former premier's inner circle.
One diplomat suggests that while the UDD lost the battle, by
mobilizing 100,000 protesters on April 8 it successfully
advanced a rallying call against entrenched inequality and
injustice in Thai society. The question, he suggests, will be
whether the protest movement can break away from Thaksin's funds
and symbolism and become a positive force for political reform,
or instead intensify its destabilizing course of disruption and
violence aimed solely at toppling Abhisit's government and
restoring Thaksin's power.
Exiled motivations
Thaksin's lurch towards brinksmanship was at least partially
motivated by the breakdown in secret negotiations that had been
mediated from behind the scenes by a European interlocutor.
Those talks, which included elements of the military and
monarchy, according to a Thaksin ally familiar with the
situation, aimed to return Thaksin's US$2.2 billion in frozen
funds in exchange for a vow he would not re-enter politics.
In an apparent bid to re-establish his diminished negotiating
leverage, he has publicly accused certain privy councilors of
orchestrating the 2006 coup and recently alleged in an interview
with the Financial Times that King Bhumibol Adulyadej had
foreknowledge of the putsch. Before that, Thaksin is also known
to have lost touch with Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn,
reaffirming the notion that neither is the monarchy a static
institution with its relationships.
According to diplomats and a well-placed palace source, Thaksin
had on several occasions after returning from exile in 2008 met
with Vajiralongkorn in Bangkok via his trusted associate, Sino
Thai Engineering and Construction Company chairman Anutin
Charnvirakul. The two had also met on at least two separate
occasions when Thaksin was in exile in London after the 2006
coup and Vajiralongkorn spent nine months of calendar 2007 in
Europe.
It was lost on few seasoned observers that the UDD's April 12
assault on Prime Minister's Office secretary general Nipon
Prompan's car at the Ministry of Interior had particular
symbolic value because of the senior bureaucrat's known close
ties to Vajiralongkorn, including formative years together at a
European boarding school.
Some diplomats have interpreted that assault and the UDD's
public criticisms of top privy councilors as a strong signal
that Thaksin and his allies could complicate the impending royal
succession, where Vajiralongkorn is the heir apparent to the
throne. At the same time, many believe Thaksin may have
overstepped the mark by mentioning the widely revered
81-year-old Bhumibol in recent political remarks to the foreign
media.
Meanwhile, the April 17 assassination attempt against media
mogul and People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) protest group
leader Sondhi Limthongkul could result in a more dramatic break
of previously presumed aligned political forces. Sondhi has
publicly accused military officials with links to Thaksin of
masterminding the failed attack, which was launched by assault
rifle-toting assassins.
Sondhi told this correspondent while in hospital that he
believed army commander General Anupong Paochinda, army chief of
staff General Prayuth Chan-ocha and Defense Minister General
Prawit Wongsuwan were bent on seizing political power from
Abhisit. Anupong has denied any foreknowledge or involvement in
the plot on Sondhi, though he has acknowledged that bullet
shells found at the crime scene were Thai army issue.
Sondhi has criticized the same military officials in recent
press interviews and in an apparent shift suggested that the
PAD's "new politics" reform agenda is in some ways similar to
the political change advocated by the UDD. PAD street protests
paved the way for the 2006 military coup that ousted Thaksin's
government and the movement was notably dormant during the
military appointed administration that ruled in 2006 and 2007.
A second incarnation of the PAD last year paralyzed the workings
of two Thaksin-aligned governments, which eventually fell
through controversial court decisions, including a December 2
ruling that disbanded the then ruling People's Power Party.
Sondhi cloaked his yellow-shirted protest movement in royal
symbolism and first drew crowds in late 2005 by accusing then
prime minister Thaksin of disloyalty to the Thai crown - charges
Thaksin has denied.
Loyal royals
By taking hard aim at Anupong and Prayuth, both established
royalists who served in Queen Sirikit's Royal Guard Infantry
Regiment, diplomats and analysts wonder whether Sondhi will
continue to mobilize defense-of-the-monarchy themes at any
future protests, including ones that potentially target top
military officials or royal advisors.
Sondhi's Thai language daily newspaper openly supported the
candidacy of former 3rd army division commander General Saprang
Kalayanamitr over Anupong in the run-up to the 2007 military
reshuffle that eventually elevated Anupong to the army's top
spot. Anupong has since consolidated his power over important
command positions, but has faced criticism from certain hardline
military elements, and echoed by Sondhi, that he has failed to
effectively purge Thaksin's lingering influence.
Sondhi stirred a hornet's nest last year when, from his protest
stage, he accused Anupong of receiving money from Thaksin to pay
for his children's school fees. He did the same over the weekend
when he alleged that palace insider Viriya Chavakul, who has
publicly defended Thaksin's loyalty to the crown, played a role
in the assassination plot against Sondhi. She strongly denied
the charges and the palace quickly moved to correct press
reports that referred to Viriya as Queen Sirikit's
lady-in-waiting.
Questions also surround the apparent fall from favor of top
royal advisor and Sondhi ally Piya Malakul, who according to one
royal insider hasn't attended functions at the palace for over a
month. Piya is known to be close to Queen Sirikit and was often
the lone advisor to accompany Bhumibol when he previously took
outdoor walks around his seaside palace in Hua Hin.
One palace insider says that Piya was the top advisor who
suggested that Queen Sirikit attend the funeral services of a
PAD protester killed during a melee with police last October 7,
indicating to some tacit royal backing for the PAD. Piya was
also accused by Thaksin of playing host to a dinner at his
residence in May 2006 where the coup against his government was
allegedly planned. Piya has strongly denied the charges,
claiming no military officials were present at the meeting.
The PAD has already indicated it will launch new street protests
against any constitutional reforms that lead to an amnesty of
the 110 politicians - with the notable exception of the
criminally charged Thaksin - banned from politics for five years
by a military appointed Constitution Tribunal in May 2007. The
risk for Abhisit and the Democrats is that the PAD lumps
together their coalition government with the military, as UDD
leaders had from their protest stage.
Military matters
That could be an easier argument to make after Abhisit's
declaration of a state of emergency and the military's
willingness under Anupong to mop up the UDD after refusing to
implement similar decrees announced last year under two separate
Thaksin-aligned governments. The breakdown of Abhisit's personal
security detail showed clearly that his government lacks command
control over key sections of the national police force.
Thaksin was a former police official and is believed to still
hold sway over certain senior officers. Many junior-level police
officials attended UDD rallies while off duty, with some even
changing into their red shirts while still at their respective
police stations, according to a source familiar with the
situation. That's raised concerns in certain government circles
that Thaksin supporters' call to arms is no idle threat.
Government spokesman Panitan Wattanayakorn said that the
premier's inner circle now viewed the UDD's attack on Abhisit's
car on April 12 at the Ministry of Interior as a
well-coordinated assassination attempt. He says a review of
wide-angle security film of the incident shows that men with
masks and guns were positioned on the perimeter of the attack,
apparently waiting for frontline protesters to break through the
car's bulletproof windows.
With police neutrality in doubt, army chief of staff Prayuth has
taken charge of Abhisit's personal security and his top aides
have been appointed bodyguards. Some diplomats here believe that
Prayuth's role in the efficient suppression of the UDD riots may
have saved Abhisit's government, which was teetering after UDD
protesters stormed the venue of an Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit meeting with world leaders in
attendance.
The military has over Abhisit's five-month tenure sometimes
marched to its own drummer, though by most reports it stepped in
line when he declared a state of emergency and insisted the
crackdown would result in no casualties. Military insiders say
the top brass are wholly cognizant of how unpopular another coup
would be and prefer the political status quo as long as their
budgets keep flowing and a conflict in the south involving
Muslim insurgents is left under the military and not moved to
civilian command.
Panitan says that while the military's budget has risen
substantially since the 2006 coup, overall outlays are still
only 1.8% of gross domestic product, well below the global
average for maintaining a modern fighting force of 300,000 men.
Panitan, a former professor of security affairs who has trained
several senior ranking military officers, has according to
diplomats emerged as one of Abhisit's main point men in liaising
with the military and deciphering its moves and motivations.
New trajectory
What's clear is that the UDD's unexpected show of force has put
Thai politics on a new trajectory. The ruling Democrats are now
widely expected to dissolve parliament and call for new
elections by early to mid-2010, coinciding with a forecast
up-tick in the economy, which is now set to contract by 5% this
year.
One Democrat party deputy leader suggests the government is
already starting to plot vote-getting strategies for new polls,
including possible plans to redistribute land designated as
national parks to over 2.2 million villagers who still hold
title deeds, and another to grant Thai citizenship to over 2
million people in limbo situated in border areas.
The Democrats also clearly hope to capitalize on a newfound
populism, including a 2,000-baht (US$57) handout scheme for over
11 million low-income earners around the country. Ramped up
fiscal spending designated to cushion the blow of the global
economic crisis started disbursements last month and politicians
of coalition partner Bhum Jai Thai party are expected to be
major beneficiaries through the ministries they control.
The Bhum Jai Thai party's behind-the-scenes leader, Newin
Chidchob, is now allegedly bidding to place his political
associates onto the board of state-run and now loss-making Thai
Airways, according to people familiar with the situation. Any
number of those policies could open the coalition to damaging
corruption allegations lodged by the Thaksin-aligned opposition
Peua Thai party, similar to the land reform scandal that
eventually brought down a Democrat-led government in 1994.
One diplomat read the Ministry of Finance's recent announcement
to cut 200 billion baht from the 2010 budget because of revenue
shortfalls also as a political strategy to keep Bhum Jai Thai at
bay and on side until new polls are held, with a wink that
bigger-ticket infrastructure projects would be initiated by a
newly elected government. That avowed big spending could be
enough to lure several Peua Thai politicians to defect to Bhum
Jai Thai, as several were reportedly poised to do before the UDD
ramped up its protests.
That's exactly the sort of old-fashioned politicking both the
UDD and PAD say they stand firmly against and could provide
fodder for more destabilizing demonstrations in the months
ahead. But if Abhisit successfully oversees constitutional
reforms and a mass amnesty, which with shifting political
allegiances could benefit his coalition as much as the
Thaksin-aligned Peua Thai, those fractured street movements may
yet represent the fringe of an emerging new political order.
By Shawn W. Crispin
Asia Times
Thursday, May 7, 2009
Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times Online's Southeast Asia Editor.

Indonesia’s Homegrown Radicals

Once again the Taliban displayed their evil will for all to see
when they marched to Buner, attacked a Pakistani paramilitary
post and kidnapped its officers in a blatant violation of their
peace deal with the government.
Their actions revealed the extent to which Pakistan has lost
control over their own creation-turned-nemesis. Around the time
of the Afghan war, the Pakistani government had, through its
intelligence agency, helped create and support the Taliban to
serve its own interests. Yet despite its support, the government
today is an enemy to the Taliban for ideological reasons.
Indonesia needs to learn from what is happening in Pakistan. It
would be dangerous for a number of reasons if the Indonesian
government failed to take firm action against radical and
extremist groups that act outside of the law and in ways that
challenge government authority.
Extremists are freely sharing information through jihadi forums
like Arrahmah, At Tawhed and At Taubah, including by exchanging
manuals on making bombs and other weaponry. These forums provide
a place for potential homegrown terrorists and self-starters to
enhance their skills — skills which may well be used against
national interests in the future. Many extremists also
participate in illegal military training in the mountains on the
weekends. Never mind that they substitute sticks for weapons;
the activity itself is of concern.
Indonesian radical groups have moved into what the late Israeli
expert, Ehud Sprinzak, called the second phase of terrorism: the
conflict of legitimacy. They have become more militant and more
willing to resort to violent means as they begin to feel that
their purely nonviolent, civil politics have failed to achieve
the results they desire.
Although their activities remain largely peaceful and lawful,
they have begun to flirt with small acts of violence. In doing
so, they undermine the credibility of the government.
The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) attack against the National
Alliance for the Freedom of Faith and Religion during a rally to
commemorate Pancasila on June 1, 2008, showcased to the world
the failure of the Indonesian government to protect religious
freedom and uphold citizens’ human rights. Though many
kidnapping and murder plans do not see the light of day, they
indicate a similar desire and intent to become more violent.
Radical groups in Indonesia have much contempt and disrespect
for national law, as they view it as non-Islamic. As a result,
they can justify any violations. Unfortunately, Indonesian
police have often turn a blind eye when radicals commit crimes
such as destroying Ahmadiyah mosques or physically abusing
Ahmadiyah members.
Government ignorance and inaction has confirmed the idea that
radicals are above the law or too powerful to police. It also
reinforces the radicals’ illusion that God is helping their
cause and that it is only a matter of time before they will
someday overthrow the government.
Radical groups have given the government nothing but trouble.
Some politicians, especially those from Islamic political
parties such as the United Development Party (PPP), the Crescent
Star Party (PBB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), might
think that in order to further secure their positions it is
important to support radical groups. However, they should be
aware that radicals themselves see politicians as infidels, and
never actually support them, finding them useful only for
financial security.
Groups like the FPI and the Indonesian Mujahideen Council might
agree to work with the government today because they can garner
influence that provides them with a certain level of protection.
But when they feel they have the necessary members, skills and
equipment, they will not hesitate to sever their ties with the
government in order to implement Shariah law.
This is something that will never change. No matter how limited
the actions or training of radical groups may be from to lack of
funding or pressure from security agencies, their ideology will
remain steadfast. They will always, despite what they may say or
do in public, consider the Republic of Indonesia as the Infidel
Republic of Indonesia and will never have any sincere
relationship with the government.
Today, the situation in Indonesia is still far from that in
Pakistan. However, unless the government bans and withdraws all
support for radical groups, it risks losing control over both
them and the sovereignty of the nation.
Muh Taufiqurrohman
The Jakarta Globe
Wednesday, May 6, 2009

Fear And Incomprehension Still Dominate Australians' Perception Of Asia

This comment questions whether Kevin Rudd’s plan to make Australia
the West’s most ‘Asia-literate’ country has anything going for
it except geography.



An old friend of mine, a self-made corporate tyro embedded at
the Big End of Sydney, asked me recently why I bother writing
from miserable, crisis-racked places like Afghanistan, Sri
Lanka, Nepal and Thailand.
Moreover, he asked, why do I return to Jakarta, a city ranked by
any measure you like as a corrupt urban hellhole of ocean-going
proportions. ‘Mate,’ he emailed after scanning perfunctorily
through a Speccie despatch I’d penned from Afghanistan before he
rushed to his bucolic hobby farm in the Hunter Valley, ‘no one
here gives a flying f**k about these places.’ Then, almost on
cue, Operation Slipper — as Australia’s military contribution to
Afghanistan’s ‘just war’ is formally known — claimed two diggers
in two days after my mate’s message. He looked like a twit; no
comfort, of course, to the grieving families of those who’d made
the ultimate sacrifice for their country’s security, the
official reason why Australian troops are there.
My friend is wrong. Many Australians do give an, er, airborne
copulation about what is going on in Asia. That’s because their
Phuket package holiday got delayed for weeks at Suvarnabhumi
airport last November when Thai royalists marauded yellowly
through it to topple an elected government. They know someone
who lost someone in Bali, or Mumbai, or got shot at in Lahore.
They switch on the evening news and see Orientals in uproar
again and something burning — Asia, unless it’s rich China or
Japan or Korea where you can sell lots of iron ore while staying
home in cool places where the front gates are secure. Or
Singapore’s Asia-lite, a kind of Noosa-sur-Death-Row.
Australians know just enough about the broader region to know
they don’t really want that much to do with it. And now there’s
another blazing charnel house floating off the Kimberley coast
full of desperate Asians. Whether they are refugees,
asylum-seekers or queue-jumpers, that just helps Australians
connect the dots.
This reporter’s Sri Lankan notebook contains a few details too
far for many Australians, but here’s what that particular
hellhole boils down to. There are 150,000 impoverished Tamils
hemmed into 15 sq km of the most wretched ground imaginable.
It’s a tsunami-ravaged palm grove pummelled again by a Sinhalese
military commanded by faraway bloodlust politicians in Colombo
who many Tamils believe want to abolish their ethnicity. And
these poor folk are imprisoned there as human shields by a
murderous gang of Tamil thugs calling themselves freedom
fighters. Faced with annihilation on both sides, a crowded boat
across 5,000km of Indian Ocean via Javanese middlemen to
Australia, where so many of their kin prosperously populate
places like Sydney’s Strathfield and Melbourne’s Mount Waverley,
looks the safer option.
Likewise, Australians en groupe probably don’t really know the
ins and outs of the Afghan imbroglio, beyond the tabloid
takeaway that the Taleban are cavemen who cloak women in burqas,
deny their daughters education and want to Islamise the world,
including Australia, and kill and terrorise as they do so. Of
course, it’s rather more complex than that but, eight years
after 9/11, the extremists are again emboldened across the
sub-continent. Sensible Afghans — most of them — are appalled by
the Islamists but just as disgusted by the corrupt spinelessness
of the Western-sponsored government that replaced them. The
peaceful, democratic future we promised Afghans after 9/11
hasn’t arrived, the power’s still disconnected, that was an
American plane that bombed Cousin Ahmed’s wedding party and so
that sleazy guy in the village who reckons he can get them a
visa to some paradise called Australia — for a generous fee, of
course — again starts to sound good.
Paradise? That’s what Australia sure looks like on the ABC’s
regional TV service beamed free into the region. The
DFAT-sponsored Australia Network’s signature promo — ‘From Our
World To Yours’ — portrays Australia as a land of healthy white
people in fashionable locales dining, swimming, sporting and
sipping latte affluently with their well-shod families and
gleaming teeth. That’s great for attracting tourists from Japan
— another war-torn hellhole, not so long ago — but it also looks
pretty good on the communal tellies in Oruzgan and north-east
Sri Lanka.
It reminds me of what I once witnessed in Tangier, across the
Strait of Gibraltar from Europe, reporting on the local mafia
smuggling desperate Africans who’d handed over their life
savings to make the watery 20km dash across the Med to Spain.
Getting ready to go, these poor buggers were captivated by the
Spanish TV stations transmitting to Morocco, with their flashy
boobs and consumerism and suggestion that Europe’s streets are
paved with gold. For many, it was the last TV they saw. The
Tangerine gangsters sailed them a few kilometres off Andalucia
after midnight, pointed at the costa’s distant lights and
marched their human cargo at gunpoint into the cold black sea.
It’s not like they learned to swim in Sierra Leone or Burkina
Faso. Or Oruzgan.
And if you think Afghanistan’s a problem, then Pakistan is fast
becoming Afghanistan writ eight times larger. And though
Indonesia, the exit point in this nasty map of dots, may have
just evolved into the world’s third biggest democracy after
India and the US, there is something fundamentally cancerous
about the archipelago that universal suffrage isn’t fixing — the
chronic corruption that allows people traffickers, Kevin Rudd’s
‘scum of the earth’, sanctuary there. It’s all a bit of a worry,
all those teeming masses.
Rudd says he wants Australia to become the West’s most
‘Asia-literate’ nation, lest we miss out on the economic bounty
the region’s masses promise. He has also proposed an Asian
‘community’, a regional version of the European Union, and sent
respected Australian foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott
on a tour of Asia’s power centres to sell it.
As I see it, understanding something of Asia’s possibilities,
both ideas are commendable in their vision. But it is going to
take more than generations to make Australians like Georgie
think that he might have to consider learning Mandarin or Bahasa
for his future, much less be able to find the countries that
speak these languages in an atlas or, pace my wealthy
businessman mate, meaningfully care about them.
Who’s Georgie? He’s the bloke I encountered reporting the Corby
circus a few years back, one of the ‘Schappellites’ who’d taken
time away from their beach-and-Bintang Bali holiday to give ‘Our
Schappelle’ moral support in the Denpasar courtroom where she
faced drug-trafficking charges. Georgie complained to me that he
hadn’t realised he would need a passport to visit Bali, perhaps
imagining it as Australia’s seventh state (maybe Rudd’s vision
of Asia is closer than he thinks) before he set off from Oz. And
sometimes it was a bit hard for him to hear proceedings, because
at a neighbouring temple some Hindu priests were chanting a
Sanskrit kidung, as Balinese do. Or, as Georgie interpreted it,
‘I can’t hear a bloody thing because of the Muslims goin’ off.’
Actually, he didn’t say Muslims. He said ‘Mewwwslims’, and then
launched into a tirade about Indonesian justice and somehow
connected Schappelle’s plight to the World Trade Center, the
2002 Sari Club bombings and Australia’s tsunami aid.
Georgie maybe doesn’t need to be a Bahasa speaker to make a
living in the future, but he should know that Bali is Hindu and
that it is not part of Australia. In the last week, I’ve been
wryly amused that Australian talkback jocks speak knowledgably
about India’s Deccan Chargers, because good blokes like Andrew
Symonds and Adam Gilchrist play in the Hyderabad-based IPL team,
while casually talking about Chennai as if it’s Collingwood. But
the same shock jocks showed little interest last November as to
why the Pakistani terrorists who laid siege to Bombay called
themselves the Deccan Mujahideen, evoking the sub-continent’s
once-great Muslim empire based in, well, Hyderabad and
stretching toward Chennai, and what the implications of that
might be.
Events like the Corby circus — let’s not forget the Channel Nine
‘worm’ that showed 92 per cent of Australians regarded her as
innocent — Hanson, the Tampa and now another asylum-seeker
tragedy periodically surface, sometimes as moments of national
madness, to remind us that Australia is a long way from becoming
a part of the regional community that’s more meaningful than
just trade.
If Rudd’s ‘AU’, per the EU, grows legs, the people who will
ultimately sign off on any nation-changing initiative as he
imagines it will have to be somehow persuaded that Asia isn’t an
amorphous mass where Dodgy Things Happen, of religious zealots
and corruptors desperate to come to Australia and steal our
jobs, especially in this recession. Many of Asia’s prominent
thinkers dismiss Rudd’s Grand Asian Plan as dead in the water
among Asian leaders before it gets any traction, and they are
probably right. But that won’t be because Asians don’t accept
this vision from Canberra, but more because it won’t get to
first base among Australians themselves. Ah, you say, we’ve
embraced pad thai as the new meat-and-three-veg, and we know our
nasi goreng from our nasi lemak, our paratha from our naan. And
the suburbs are full of Lao and Khmers and Hmong, and our
colleges of Malaysians and Taiwanese. True, but I wonder how
many Australians understand Asia’s myriad differences, or care
to. If Rudd wants to pull this off, he needs, gently but
convincingly, to titillate more than our tastebuds. He needs to
bring round sceptics to the inevitability of our geography,
convince them that not all of Asia is in turmoil and
threatening, even though the media’s superficial reporting of
the region often makes it seem that way. And, of course, places
like Thailand need to quickly sort themselves out too.
Maybe my Bali interlocutor Georgie’s granddaughters will one day
become wealthy polyglot Asiaphiles, and the heirs of Alan Jones
will culturally reference Lombok and Nagoya — the one in
Indonesia as much as Japan — as instinctively as they now do
London and New York. And when they do, we might know a little
more about why desperate people are dying to come here. And
discuss it — and maybe even solve it — without the unhinged
clamour, fear and racism of recent weeks.
------------------------------------------
By Eric Ellis

The Spectator (Australia)

Bali Updates

BALI UPDATE #660 - 4 May 2009

Bali is Good for the Soul
View a Remarkable Slide Show of Beautiful Bali

A recent visit to Youtube.com uncovered a remarkable set of Bali images made in 2005. Images we consider just too good not to share.
For those who've been to Bali prepare to become homesick. The rest of you should stay on line and book a Bali holiday immediately after enjoying this pictorial tour of paradise.
Make sure your sound is on. While the music is not Balinese, it's great company for these pictures from an island we love.



Bali Q1 2009 Arrivals Up 4.7%
Bali Foreign Arrivals Hold On . . . Just.

March 2009 foreign tourist arrivals to Bali (161,169) increased month-on-month 4.7%, as compared to the same month in 2008. Arrivals covering the first three months of the year (Q1) totaled 465,182 - improving 3.61% over Q1 2008 (448,954).
In the midst of a very uncertain business climate internationally, that Bali has managed to record its best-ever opening quarter ever is remarkable, contradicting - at least for now - pundits prophesizing a collapse of Bali's overseas travel markets.
Bali's salvation remains it steady source of regional travelers coming from the Asia-Pacific and Asia. During Q1 2009, tourists hailing from the Asian-Pacific region increased 4.89%, while ASEAN visitors increased 19.91%. Meanwhile, reflecting the sluggish economies of Europe and the Americas, total visitors from those markets decreased 3.56% and -3.12%, respectively, during Q1 2009.
Graphics presented on balidiscovery.com show:


click images to enlarge

• With the exception of a dip in arrivals during February 2009, monthly arrivals for January and March registered strong growth over 2008. February’s lackluster performance may be traceable to the lack of any major holiday falling within that month that might have otherwise bolstered regional arrivals.
• Cumulative arrivals over the first three months of 2009 improved from Australia (+25.92%), the People's Republic of China (+39.99%), Malaysia (+19.89%), Russia (+6.33%), the Netherlands (+2.96%), and France (+19.36%). Meanwhile, market "losers" recording decreased numbers for Q1 2009 included Japan (-11.59%), Taiwan (-24%), South Korean (-8.81%), U.S.A. (-7.9%), Germany (-19.35%) and the United Kingdom (-17.83%).
Changing economic fortunes are also seeing a shift in the hierarchy of key markets to Bali.
A Changing of the Guard
At least for now, Japan remains the top market source to Bali followed by Australia in number the number two rank. If, however, Australia numbers remain buoyant and Japanese numbers continue to decrease, look for Australia to take over Japan's traditional role as Bali's top producing market ranking. Japan's toppling from the top position could happen as early as April or May, if current trends persist.
A new player in Bali's top 5 producing markets is the People's Republic of China, now ranked at the number 3 post, eyeing a chance to become number 2 as the year progresses. In the number four ranking is Malaysia. South Korea and Taiwan who have traditional been Bali's third and fourth largest source markets are now some distance back in the pack, involved in a neck-on-neck battle for fifth and sixth place.

The Peak of Bali Dining in Ubud
Chris Salan's Mozaic Restaurant Named to San Pelligrino's List of the World Best 100 Restaurants.

Owner-Chef Chris Salans of Ubud's Mozaic Restaurant Gastronomique spends much of his time these days traveling abroad to accept awards, the latest additions to a growing list of international accolades for his exceptional garden restaurant in Bali's cultural and artistic heartland.
San Pellegrino's list of the 100 Best Restaurant was recently announced by William Reed Business Media in the U.K. with Mozaic the only Indonesian restaurant included, with an overall ranking at the 84th position.
Now in its eighth year, the San Pellegrino Awards is considered one of the world's most credible guide to the best places to eat on earth. Year after year, the global pool of voters expands, this year increasing by almost 20%. In compiling this year's results, a total of 4,185 votes were cast by 837 restaurant experts - all well-travelled restaurant commentators, chefs or restaurateurs.
For the purposes of compiling the list, the world is divided into 26 regions, each with its own regional chairman who presides over a panel of judges - together they form The Nespresso World's 100 Best Academy. Now representing more representative of the world restaurant industry than ever before, the U.S.A. & Canada comprise 3 regions instead of one, whilst South East Asia is split into two regions. In recognition of its mature restaurant industry, Japan is a region on its own, while China and Korean voters now sit together to form a new single region. Each panel member is allowed 5 votes, of which a maximum of three may be for restaurants within their own region. Any restaurant voted for must have been visited within the last 18 months and no-one is allowed to vote for their own restaurant.
Mozaic Restaurant Gastronomique's recent awards and recognitions now include:
• Chris Salans as a Guest Master Chef for the 2008 Singapore World Gourmet Summit
• International Herald Tribune and New York Times features
• Miele Guide Top 5 restaurants in Asia
• Hospitality Asia Magazine Platinum Awards - South East Asia's Most Innovative Western Cuisine Restaurant & Indonesia Restaurant of the Year
• Recognized as the best restaurant in Indonesia and Bali by national publications, such a Indonesia Tatler, Prestige and Hello Bali.
• The first restaurant in Southeast Asia to be recognized by the prestigious Tradition et Qualité Association as a member of 'Les Grande Tables Du Monde').
Reservations are strongly recommended. Call Bali Discovery Tours at ++62-(0)361-286283 or email us at info@balidiscovery.com for booking assistance.


Indonesia Mobilizes to Combat H1N1 Flu Virus
Bali Uses Skills Learnt During SARS Crisis to Confront New Threat of Viral Pandemic.

As confirmed cases of H1N1 pass the 900 mark recorded in some 11 countries worldwide, cases of the disease feared by the World Health Organization (HMO) to become a worldwide pandemic remain confined largely to the western hemisphere, with a case of the disease now also identified in Hong Kong.
No cases or suspected cases of the H1N1 virus have been reported in Indonesia or Bali.
Also known as the "swine flu" due to it's genetic link to a viral infection found among some pig populations, and despite the banning of pork imports, the public is not at danger of contracting H1N1 through the consumption of pork products.
Using practical experience and infrastructures developed during the SARS scare, the Bali provincial government has wasted no time in putting into place a number of measures to prevent and control any possible local contagion of the disease.
Among the measures now in effect:
• Thermal scanners are now in operation at Bali's International Airport identifying passengers with higher than normal body temperatures.
• Medical teams are on duty at the airport to asses anyone suffering from flu–like symptoms.
• Special isolation wards set up to handle the SARS patients are on standby, ready to receive H1N1 patients.
• Governor Pastika has established a joint team comprised of health officials, animal husbandry agencies, transportation providers and other bodies who are charged with continual assessment of any developing threat to public health.
• As an added precaution, health officials are visiting swine production facilities and introducing disinfection procedures.
• Quarantine measures have been intensified at Bali's ports and airport.
• The government has temporarily suspended the importation of pork products.
• Supplies of anti-viral drugs are being identified for possible use if an outbreak should occur in Indonesia.
• Indonesia has issued a travel warning against unnecessary travel to Mexico.
The national government, meanwhile, has earmarked Rp. 40 billion (US$3.63 million) in emergency funds to be used in combating the H1N1 virus.


Bali Airport Renovation Rejected by Governor
Governor Demands More Public Space, Less Commercialization and a More Balinese Style to Planned Major Revamp of Bali Airport.

Kompas.com reports that Bali's governor, Made Mangku Pastika, has rejected renovation plans advanced by Bali's airport managers, calling instead for a more Balinese design concept with greater emphasis on public as opposed to commercial spaces.
With renovations scheduled to commence before the end of 2009, I.B. Parsa, a spokesperson for the Bali government, said the provincial government and the governor's office would not give its supporting recommendation if the proposed renovations are only used to expand commercial space. "It would be better if Angkasa Pura (the airport managers) repaired the messy public areas at the airport," said Parsa.
Bali's international airport is being designed to handle 11 million domestic and international passengers, an increase from its current estimated carrying capacity of 9 million. Parsa pointed to poor security at the airport, sluggish visa and immigration handling and passenger boarding problems while asking why the airport authority seemed more intent on creating a commercial mall than on improving overall systems and airport infrastructure.
In response, the General Manager of PT Angkasa Pura I at Bali's airport, Heru Legowo, confirmed the governor's objections, asking for several months to present a new set of renovation blueprints. At the same time, he said it would not be possible to meet the government's demand for more Balinese-styled architecture at the airport, promising only to endeavor to create a Balinese atmosphere to welcome arriving passengers.
Bali's airport occupies a tract of land measuring around 300 hectares. Of that area, 73,776 square meters is utilized for the passenger terminal and 1,200 square meters for parking lots.


Indonesia Pilots Threatening Strike Action
Unhappy with Criminal Conviction of a Garuda Pilot, Indonesian Aviators May Ground National Air Fleet if Strike Threat Materializes.

Both Tempo Interactive and Jakarta Globe have carried reports suggesting that Indonesia's commercial pilots federation is considering strike action in retaliation for the recent criminal conviction and two-year sentence handed down to a Garuda pilot in connection with a fatal crash of a Garuda aircrafts in March 2007. [See: Landing in Jail]
Indonesian pilots, speaking through their association, are threatening to stop flying unless the appeal courts reject the conviction of the man at the wheel of the ill-fated Garuda flight, Captain Marwoto, and instead apply the "law on Air Travel." The Pilot's Federation Chairman, Monotar Napitupulu, complains that the recent court case criminalizes the pilot profession and has made Indonesian airspace an unattractive work environment for aviators.
Pilots maintain that the police should not be involved in investigating aviation accidents and that safety equipment, such as flight data recorders and cockpit voice recorders should not be introduced as evidence in criminal proceedings.
Meanwhile, transportation officials have warned the pilots about initiating any industrial strike action, warning such a move could tarnish the image of Indonesia's aviation industry.


260 Bali Rivers are Dry
Degradation of Bali's Forest and Jungle Cover Seen as Main Culprit in Diminishing Lakes and Streams.

BeritaBali.com quotes Bali's governor Made Mangku Pastika as warning that 260 rivers, or 65% of the 400 streams and rivers found on the island, dry up completely during the annual dry season. And, of the 140 rivers that currently maintain year-round water flows, many are under threat of also drying up as the result of destruction of Bali's forest cover.
The Governor warns: "Jungle regions are being cut down and water areas are being sucked dry. This condition is only going to become increasingly worse if there is no effort at conservation."
Not only are Bali's rivers beginning to run dry, four lakes in Bali have receded an average of 3 meters. Moreover, the surface of lake Batur has been reduced 7 meters.
Governor Pastika sees Bali's water crisis as tied to the island's diminishing forest resources. Bali has only a 22% jungle cover remaining, while experts say the ideal cover would be 30%.


57 Bali Hotels Gain Security Certification
Nikko Bali Resort Win Highest Safety and Security Ranking.

Following security reviews conducted by the Bali Police, 57 hotels have been awarded security certification. The four and five-star hotels were granted gold and silver status, depending on their ability to meet stated security measures.
Speaking at the award ceremony, the Deputy Chief of Police in Bali, Brigadier Ketut Adria, confirmed that the majority of four and give star hotels on the island maintain high standards of security preparedness.
During the certification process 53 hotels were granted the highest or "gold" designation with the remaining four winning "silver" accreditation. An additional 205 star-rated hotels are icurrently undergoing reviews and will receive the appropriate security designation before the end of 2009. Hotels in Bali undergo a re-evaluation of their security practices once every two years.
The highest ranked hotel with a score of 99.26 out of 100 was received by the Nikko Bali Resort, followed by the Nusa Dua Beach (98.3) and the Inna Grand Bali Beach (98.3).


Drug Bust Nets 2 Swedish Men at Kuta Hotel.
Small Stash of Cannabis Could Earn 10 Years of Jail Time for Two Swedish Travelers.

Two Swedish tourists, Kjell Avald Holst (25) and Karl John Bronell (26), have had an abrupt change of accommodation during their Bali holiday following their arrest by Bali police at a popular Kuta hotel and their removal to holding cells at police headquarters.
According to a Bali police spokesman, the two were arrested at 11:20 p.m. on Friday night, May 1, 2009, following reports of strange aromas emanating from one of the hotel's guest rooms.
After searching the room, police confiscated 5.5 grams of marijuana hidden in a laptop computer bag with the tourist admitting they had just personally consumed part of the drugs, purchased earlier in Lombok.
The men told officials they had bought 20 marijuana cigarettes for Rp. 400,000 (US$36) on Gili island, near Lombok from a tour guide.
The two men, now facing prosecution under Indonesia's tough anti-narcotics regulations, could each pay fines of Rp. 500 million (US$45,500) and 10 years imprisonment.


Ayana Resort Takes the Cake
Bali Pastry Chefs Earn Right to Represent Indonesia at International Pastry Competition in Singapore in 2010.

Ayana Resort and Spa Bali won top honors at a prestigious national pastry competition, winning the Gold Medal in all four categories and qualifying for the next Asian Pastry Cup championship in Singapore next year.
Pastry Chef Made Sutisna joined forces with St Regis Bali Resort's pastry sous chef Wayan Laspina in preparing a delectable array of desserts at the Asian Pastry Cup National Selection Competition held in Jakarta, April 15-18, 2009. A dessert prepared especially for the contest, Valrhona Equatorial Chocolate and Ginger-Blood Orange Mousse Cake with Peanut Croquant was determined by the panel of judges as the winner in ”The Best Chocolate Cake” category.
Chef Made's team earned the right to represent Bali after being selected by the Bali Culinary Professionals Association in local competition. Bali's pastry chef also won Gold Medals for ”The Best Sugar Pastry Show Piece, The Best Chocolate Pastry Show Piece" and "”Best Overall Score."
Following their win in Jakarta, the Bali team will now represent Indonesia at the Asian Pastry Cup in Singapore in April 2010, where pastry chefs from all over Asia will vie for the regional title and the chance to progress to the World Pastry Cup in Lyon, France. The Singapore event will be the second time Chef Made has represented his country at this event, having won Gold at the 2007 Asian Pastry Cup National Selections.
Ayana's new General Manager Charles de Foucault applauded Chef Made’s achievement, saying: "This is truly a fantastic achievement for Chef Made, whose desserts and sweet treats grace the tables of our guests every day. We look forward to supporting him – and doing some taste-testing ourselves along the way – as he works towards the regional and world championships!"
The Asian Pastry Cup National Selection was held as part of the 7th Indonesian Salon Culinaire 2009 in conjunction with the 10th International Food and Hotel Exhibition 2009, at the Jakarta International Expo Kemayoran.


Two Months to go Until MRA Bali International Triathlon
Celebrity, International and Indonesian Athletes Headed for Jimbaran Bay for 3rd MRA Bali International Triathlon on June 28, 2009.

There's less than two months to go until the 3rd MRA Bali International Triathlon at Jimbaran Bay on Sunday, June 28, 2009.
Registrations remain on target for both Indonesian and international athletes signing up to participate in an event named the "best triathlon destination" by Competitor Magazine.
On race day, individual participants and corporate relay teams of three will set off on an 1.5 km swim in Jimbaran Bay, followed by a 40 km bike race down Bali's Ungasan peninsula and Nusa Dua, and finishing witha 10 km running foot race through the village of Jimbaran.
This year's course will widen its footprint on Jimbaran Beach with the swim starting in front of the fabled Four Seasons Resort at Jimbaran Bay and swimmers coming ashore at the adjacent Intercontinental Resort Bali where they will transition to bikes for the next segment of the race. In order to handle the growing number of participants coming each year to the Bali event.
Intercontinental Bali Resort has joined as a major hotel sponsor of the triathlon.
As in year's past, the Coconut Grove in front of the Four Season's will serve as race central with refreshments, live musical entertainment and a lively bazaar on offer throughout the morning to keep spectators occupied while waiting for the racers to sprint across the beach side finish line.
Sign Up Now and Start Training
Race participants will receive high quality race t-shirts, competitor swim caps, a pre-race high-carbohydrate dinner at the Four Seasons Resort at Jimbaran Bay, invitations to a post race lunch and party, discounted tours and watersports activities during their stay in Bali, and special rates at Bali hotels. Prizes from Bali hotels and other businesses will be presented with a custom-made trophy for each age and gender category donated by Jenggala Ceramics.
Those not prepared to join the triathlon can sign up for a 5 km fun run held simultaneously with the main event.
For complete competitor information and on-line sign up, visit [MRA Bali International Triathlon Website]
[Triathlon Accommodation Offers.]
BIMC Hospital will be on hand, providing a field hospital and ambulance support, on race day, while Jari Menari Massage will be soothing racers with free massages.
Star Athletes to Return
The 2008 overall winner, Australian pro Luke McKenzie, and athlete partrner, Amanda Balding, will return to Bali to join this year's race. Organizers also expect the 2008 women's champion, Rachael Gaudry, to return, as well.
About MRA
Indonesia's MRA Group is the main sponsors of the MRA Bali International Triathlon.
The MRA (Mugi Rekso Abadi Group) is comprised of more than 34 companies working in a number of fields:
Media Division
• Cosmopolitan Magazine • Spice Magazine • Cosmo Girl Magazine • Harpers Bazaar • Good Housekeeping • Auto Car • Trax • Bali & Beyond Magazine • FHM • IP Entertainment (Impresarios and Artist Agents) • Men's Fitness Magazine
Broadcast Division
• Hard Rock FM • Trax FM Radio • Cosmopolitan FM Radio • I-Radio FM • Media Network Indonesia
Retail & LifestyleM
• Bulgari Jewelry • Bang and Olufsen • Vision Home Entertainment
Food & Beverage Division
• Hard Rock Café • Haagen Dazs Ice Cream
Automotive Division
• Ferrari Maserati • Harley Davidson
Hotel & Property Division
• Bulgari Hotels & Resorts (Indonesia)
Other major sponsors include: • Four Seasons Resort at Jimbaran Bay • Intercontinental Resort Bali • BIMC Hospital • Jari Menari Massage


Lombok's Barujari Volcano Awakens
Officials Close Rinjani Volcano to Trekkers While Keeping a Close Eye on Developing Seismic Situation on Nearby Barujari.

Barujari volcano (2,376 meters) located next to Lombok's famous Rinjani volcano (3,726) suddenly sprung to life on Monday, April 27, 2009. Since then, it has continued to rumble, escalating on Saturday, May 2, 2009, with a series of large explosions within 15 minutes.
The Head of the Mining and Energy Service for Nusa Tenggara Barat, Heryadi Rachmat, confirmed that Saturday's eruption took place at 3:50 p.m. local time, with a second and third explosion coming at intervals of five minutes.
Observers at the scene report that a small crater has emerged on the eastern face of the mountain.
In connection with the eruption, volcanic ash clouds have been measured to an altitude of 8,000 meters causing local aircraft to steer well clear of the mountain. A thin layer of volcanic ash blanketed Senaru village in the regency of North Lombok, located on the foothills of the volcano.
Rachmat, accompanied by government geologists and volcanologists, confirmed to the press that seismographic equipment has now being moved in closer proximity to the volcano in order to better monitor future developments.
Experts report that the current state of the volcano poses no imminent threat to local populations. Barujari volcano when it last erupted in 2004 spewed lava and volcanic dust, but did not cause injury or loss of life.
The second tallest volcano in Indonesia, local authorities have temporarily closed Rinjani mountain to trekkers.

Dili Tycoon Deal Triggers Alarm

A CONTROVERSIAL Jakarta business tycoon with close links to the
Indonesian military has been given secret approval to build a
$US150 million ($A205 million) shopping centre and hotel on
prime land in central Dili.
The deal to give Tomy Winata, who amassed a fortune through
businesses operated on behalf of the Indonesian military, the
go-ahead for East Timor's largest private project has raised
renewed questions about commercial decisions by the Government
in Dili.
The Indonesian army laid waste to East Timor after it voted for
independence in 1999 and was responsible for massive human
rights abuses during Jakarta's 25-year rule of the territory.
East Timor's Tourism, Trade and Commerce Minister, Gil Alves,
confirmed Mr Winata was given approval to build on government
land without a public tendering process.
Responding to questions from The Sunday Age about the deal, Mr
Alves said Mr Winata was given the go-ahead based on the merits
of the project.
"Mr Winata went through the same criteria, processes and
procedures as all foreign investors to Timor-Leste," he said.
The shopping complex and hotel will be built on government land
and in buildings formerly used by the UN and East Timor's
security forces. Questions are being asked in Dili about a lack
of transparency.
Mr Alves said he believed Mr Winata submitted his proposal in
2007 but the Government has not released details of it until now.
The lease follows a Government decision to give notorious
Jakarta gangster Hercules Rozario Marcal a contract to develop a
supermarket on the Dili waterfront and comes amid reports of
widespread corruption in Dili.
Mr Winata's Artha Graha Group has interests in hotels, gambling,
logging and plywood, real-estate, information technology,
insurance and banking. He is also reputed to have links to
Jakarta's murky nightclub industry.
Deputy Prime Minister Mario Carrascalao has asked to review Mr
Winata's contract.
"I am concerned that people like Mr Winata will come here and
take advantage of the situation," he told The Sunday Age. "I
have asked for all the documents. I will study them to see if
this in the best interests of East Timor."
Mr Carrascalao, East Timor's governor during the Indonesian
occupation, was appointed four weeks ago to review all
government contracts in an attempt to crack down on corruption.
But he said documents on land deals in Dili he had asked for had
not been released to him.
Fretilin, the main opposition and the largest political party in
East Timor, said it was deeply disturbed by the lease given to
Mr Winata and the earlier arrival in the country of Hercules,
who has been linked in the past to Mr Winata.
"Interestingly, these two people have close connections with the
Indonesian military, especially those linked to the Kopassus
security forces who have a long history of human rights
violations in East Timor," Fretilin vice-president Arsenio Bano
said.
"We fear that more of these type of people from Indonesia will
come to East Timor. We believe this is a wrong direction for
East Timor to take," Mr Bano said.
Ten years after winning independence, and with poverty and
unemployment widespread, East Timor is desperate for foreign
investment. Mr Alves said the Winata project was expected to
create 300 jobs in the hotel and many more in the shopping
district.
But a lack of transparency in government decisions is deterring
some investors. Australian business sources complain of a lack
of clear process and favouritism in the awarding of government
contracts.
Mr Winata is a controversial figure in Jakarta where as well as
acting as a de facto banker for the armed forces he is a
generous donor to political parties.
Retired army officers working for his business empire include
former general Kiki Syahnakri, who in 2003 was indicted by UN
prosecutors for crimes against humanity committed in 1999.
While Mr Winata strongly denies allegations of criminal links,
in 2003 thugs who said they were acting on his behalf attacked
the offices of Jakarta's respected Tempo weekly over a story
that suggested he stood to benefit from a fire in the country's
largest textile market, which he had hoped to renovate.
He subsequently sued Tempo journalists for criminal defamation
and the magazine's editor was sentenced to a year in jail. The
conviction was overthrown on appeal.
The Age (Melbourne) by Lindsay Murdoch and Tom Hyland

Australia’s defence white paper

Defence Review Afforded Friendly Reception in Indonesia
&:Australia’s defence white paper focuses on protecting the Pacific


THE defence white paper crowns a transformation in Australia's
strategic perception of Indonesia, as fears of invading hordes
from the archipelago are replaced by a far more sanguine view of
the country as a partner and friend.
The country's transformation from dictatorship to democracy, its
steady economic progress, the winding down of the military's
political power and its success in combating Islamic terrorism
have underpinned the reversal.
"Indonesia has made remarkable gains in the past decade," the
white paper said. "It is likely that these positive trends will
continue, and that Indonesia will continue to evolve as a stable
democratic state with improved social cohesion."
Reflecting the kind words for Indonesia in the white paper, and
the fact that its military was consulted in its drafting and
given an advance copy, the country's defence ministry warmly
welcomed the document yesterday.
"I believe the defence policy will be targeted to bring world
peace," said Brigadier General Slamet Heriyanto, a spokesman for
the defence ministry.
The extra spending on submarines, jet fighters and warships was
not seen as a provocative gesture but a benign development from
an economically successful nation.
"I think it is only natural for a country to do that, if
financially speaking it is able to do that," said General
Heriyanto. "The important thing is we never see our neighbouring
country Australia as a threat but rather as partner who,
together with Indonesia participating, is safeguarding the
region."
While not expressed openly in the white paper, Indonesia's
military capability in terms of fighting wars is poor. Its
300,000-strong army is primarily structured for internal
security and its navy and air force are small and poorly
equipped.
Andi Widjajanto, from the University of Indonesia, said the
spending priorities of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono are
education rather than the military.
"It looks like the defence budget will be reduced in 2008-09,"
he said.
---------------------
The Australian
May 2, 2009
Editorial
The defence white paper focuses on protecting the Pacific
DIFFERENT century, same defence dilemmas. One hundred years ago,
Labor prime minister Andrew Fisher wanted an Australian navy
capable of keeping the continent safe from Asian attack. And now
Kevin Rudd, another Labor leader from Queensland, has a similar
strategy. Despite the Prime Minister's long association with
China, the defence white paper released today is underpinned by
the idea the Australian Defence Force must be prepared to
confront a major navy in the Pacific - and that can only mean a
blue-water Chinese fleet. This is one of two enormous
assumptions in the Government's long-term defence plan, one that
Malcolm Turnbull is quick to counter, saying we are not on an
inevitable collision course with China. The Opposition Leader
may be right, but Mr Rudd has obviously decided he dare not
ignore the possibility of a Chinese navy protecting Beijing's
interests, which may not coincide with ours, in years to come.
The second assumption in the white paper is one that the
Government can do more to address now - how to pay for an
enormously expensive arms build up, especially when a
considerable component of the cost is supposed to be supplied by
savings. With the big-ticket purchases years ahead, it is
impossible to accurately assess expenditure that will probably
exceed $100 billion. But there is no cause for comfort in the
white paper's optimistic arithmetic that all will be well
because real spending growth of 3per cent until 2017-18 and 2.2
per cent a year from then until 2030 is guaranteed. It sounds
impressive but the give away is that some $20 billion is
intended to come from savings in the defence budget - just short
of a full year's spending.
Regardless of how the prime minister in 20 years time will pay
for his policy, Mr Rudd is determined to expand Australia's air
and naval defence capacity. While the army will get the two
extra battalions already announced, the navy and air force are
the big winners in this plan. The purchase of 100 American F-35
multi-purpose joint strike fighters will proceed, and there will
be new refuelling and reconnaissance aircraft. This is intended
to secure Australian skies for a generation and allow for
air-launched missile attacks against distant targets. The navy
is also set for a significant increase in capability, with the
Collins-class submarines to be replaced with 12 new boats. To be
assembled in Adelaide over 30 years, this will be Australia's
largest defence project and will provide the navy with the
ability to fight a major foreign fleet a long way from home. The
capability of the surface fleet is also expanding. The navy will
commission at least three air warfare destroyers, plus eight
anti-submarine frigates, which will be bigger and much more
capable than the Anzac class they replace.
But who will they be sent to sea to fight? In setting out the
Government's strategic priorities, the white paper addresses the
issue cautiously but clearly. The defence of the continent and
its air and sea surrounds is the primary task of the ADF. This
is followed by ensuring regional security and stability in the
south Pacific and East Timor, with intervention in the Asia
Pacific the third-order issue. Peacekeeping and international
order is the last task. The message is quite clear: anybody
expecting big deployments as part of an allied army in
Afghanistan or the Middle East will be disappointed, and
terrorism is treated as a relatively minor risk. This does not
mean the Government wants to go it alone. Like Fisher, whose
dream of self-defence was defeated by the voter's belief in the
power of the British Empire, the Rudd Government unavoidably
acknowledges the ADF must be prepared to fight alongside the
Americans. But this ambitious equipment program is designed to
make it possible for Australia to act alone on a regional level.
By expanding the capacity to ship and supply troops and to
protect them from sea and air attack, it addresses the
deficiencies that plagued the East Timor intervention. And the
submarine fleet is intended to operate from what the white paper
diplomatically describes as a "considerable distance" from
Australia. The white paper taps into a tradition in Labor
thought - a belief that it is best to rely on our own abilities
rather than the protection of great and powerful friends. Even
with this planned expansion, the military realities are
inescapable: we lack the resources to go it alone, and our best
defence remains the American alliance.
by Tom Allard in Jakarta
The Sydney Morning Herald
Saturday, May 2, 2009