Siyono’s wife Suratmi
probably did the best thing she could when she asked for help from
Muhammadiyah, Indonesia’s second largest Islamic organization, to figure out
why her husband died in the custody of the Indonesian police’s feared
counter-terrorism squad Densus 88 last month. Along with her effort to seek for
the truth through Muhammadiyah, she also handed over a folded brown paper bag
which she said was given by Densus 88 after her husband’ death. Muhammadiyah in
a press conference said the paper bag was loaded with Rp100 million (US$7,606)
as a “token of sorry” to Siyono’s family.
The
34-year-old Siyono, who like many Indonesians has one name, was a resident of
Dukuh village in Klaten, Central Java. He was arrested on allegations of
involvement in terrorism on March 8 and died in custody on March 10. He was
buried on March 13.
He is the
121st person to have died after being arrested by Densus 88 since the elite
police unit for counterterrorism was established on Aug. 26, 2004, according to
data from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). The unit,
comprising 400-500 personnel, was established on funds by the US State
Department, which paid for its weapons, salaries, high-level training in
communications interception, close combat warfare and intelligence gathering
and analysis.
The unit
is given credit for turning the tide in Indonesia’s war against the terrorist
organization Jemaat Islamiyah. It has now come into the spotlight because
of intensifying fears that Indonesians who have slipped out of the country to
the Middle East to join the Islamic State, known as ISIS, or Daesh, would be
coming home to wreak domestic mayhem. By one estimate, 500 Indonesians
are in the Middle East. Some 200 – mostly women and children – have been caught
in Turkey and sent back to be kept under surveillance. January attacks in
central Jakarta, which took eight lives including four of the attackers, were
said to have been organized and funded by Bahrun Naim, an Indonesian computer
expert believed to be in Syria.
Densus
88’s reputation for effectiveness hasn’t been without cost. It has come under
scrutiny by human rights groups for its reputation for torture and for
“shootouts” with terrorists that may not have been shootouts at all but
executions. In 2010, the unit came under fire for a video showing members
pressing a smoldering stick against a Papuan separatist’s genitals, a plastic
bag wrapped around the suspect’s head, and one officer holding a large knife
next to the pleading suspect’s neck.
The
police first told a different story about Siyono, whom they said had stashed a
handgun and attacked officers while being taken by Densus 88 to a location in
Yogyakarta in early March. A scuffle broke out inside the car and Siyono bumped
his head, which led to his death, they said.
But an
autopsy by doctors affiliated with Muhammadiyah which was conducted at the
request of Siyono’s wife revealed he died from blunt trauma to the chest, which
broke bones near his heart. The autopsy also found no defensive wounds on his
body.
After
these revelations, the national Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Charliyan on
April 5 told reporters the counterterrorism unit had committed several
“procedural mistakes” and that this would be investigated.
The House
of Representatives plans to summon the chiefs of the National Police and the
National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) to explain a series of deaths involving
Densus 88 and terror suspects in recent years.
“The
questions are whether Siyono was indeed a terrorist who warranted arrest, and
whether he died because he resisted,” said Desmond Mahesa, deputy chairman of
House Commission III, which oversees human rights issues, as quoted by local
media.
“We plan
to meet on Wednesday with the BNPT and next week with the National Police,” the
Gerindra Party lawmaker said during a hearing with representatives from Komnas
HAM and Muhammadiyah.
The
January bombings and shootings show that terrorism remains a threat to
Indonesia’s security despite ongoing counterterrorism measures.
Unnecessary
abuses during current counterterrorism operations have highlighted the need for
clearer operating procedures for the police. Alleged violations in the arrest
and detention of Siyono have heightened concerns that human rights will be
compromised from these counterterrorism measures is something real and must be
prevented.
Despite
ongoing terrorist incidents in areas across Indonesia, the government’s plan to
revise the 2003 Terrorism Law has drawn concern and criticism, primarily on its
potential for rights abuses. In the law’s draft revision, security institutions
have wider authority to take measures against persons suspected of terrorist
activities.
The 2003
law was a government response to terrorist attacks in Indonesia, which began to
intensify after bombings in Bali in 2002 which killed 202 people, mostly
foreign tourists.
Coordinating
Political, Legal and Security Minister Luhut Pandjaitan said the law revision
would give security personnel authority they should have in handling terrorist
offences. He said the law revision would empower security elements so that they
could take the necessary measures for suspected terrorists. However, he
guaranteed that the revision would not be similar to the Internal Security Act
(ISA) adopted by Malaysia and Singapore, two neighboring countries widely known
for their tough measures in tackling terrorism.
Aside
from general success in handling terrorism in Indonesia, there has been a
growing concern on the rise of military involvement in the counter-terrorism
effort which has been “politically given” to the police to handle.
The
decision to give full authority to the police to handle terrorism instead of
the military was originally to avoid civilian casualties during its process.
However, too many wrong arrests and erased terror suspects has raised concerns
over how the police have been handling the issue.
In the
past few years, terrorist cells in Indonesia have shifted their target from
foreign interests to police officers, who they refer to as the “more immediate
enemy.”
At the
moment, around 2,000 military and police personnel are searching for the
militant leader Santoso, who has publicly pledged loyalty to ISIL. He is
considered the most wanted terrorist in the country, and his fighters have been
on the run for more than three years in the jungles of Central Sulawesi, as
part of Operation Tinombala 2016.
The
recent involvement of the Indonesian military (TNI) on the chase was after the
police realized that they lacked the capability in jungle warfare to be able to
do the task. Police chief Badrodin Haiti originally requested that the army
raiders and Special Forces train the mobile brigade in jungle warfare.
According
to a recent report from Institute for Policy analysis of Conflict (IPAC)
the request was passed to the TNI chief, General Gatot, who apparently agreed
but then had second thoughts – perhaps not wanting to be accused of
militarizing the police and probably not wanting to weaken the case for
military engagement in internal security.
The TNI
then responded by sending a 60-person special forces (Kopassus) team and a
40-person combat intelligence platoon from the army strategic reserve of
command (Kostrad) for training last September.
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