Kazakh Court Case Tests Chinese Power
A Kazakh
court is set to put to the test China’s ability to impose its will
and strong-arm Muslim nations into remaining silent about its brutal crackdown
on Turkic Muslims in the north-western province of Xinjiang.
The court will hear an appeal by a former worker in one of Xinjiang’s
multiple re-education camps against the rejection of her request for asylum.
The appeal illustrates the political quagmire faced by Central Asian nations
and Turkey given their ethnic, cultural and linguistic ties to China’s
estimated 11 million Turkic Muslims that include 1.5 million people of Kazakh
descent.
It also highlights China’s risky bet on being able to leverage its
economic power to ensure the Muslim world’s silence about what amounts to the
most concerted effort in recent history to reshape Muslim religious practice.
Up to one
million Turkic Muslims have, according to the United Nations, been detained in
a network of re-education camps in which they are being forced to
accept the superiority of Chinese Communist Party beliefs and the leadership of
President Xi Jinping above the precepts of Islam.
Beyond the camps, Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang, a strategic minerals-rich
province bordering on eight Central and South Asian nations that China has
turned into a 21st century Orwellian surveillance state, are forced to
refrain from religious practice and custom in public.
After denying the existing of the camps for the longest period of time,
China last month felt obliged to acknowledge them and give them legal cover.
Authorities in Xinjiang amended their anti-extremism regulations “to allow local governments to set up
institutions to provide people affected by extremist thoughts with vocational
skills training and psychological counselling.” China asserts that
the crackdown is intended to counter extremism, separatism and terrorism.
China’s acknowledgement was designed to counter the UN report, threats of
US sanctions against officials and companies involved in the Xinjiang crackdown,
and revelations by 41-year-old Sayragul Sauytbay, a Chinese national of Kazakh
descent.
Ms. Sauytbay testified in
an open Kazakh court that she had been employed in a Chinese
re-education camp for Kazakhs only that had 2,500 inmates. She said she was
aware of two more such camps reserved for Kazakhs.
Ms. Sauytbay was standing trial for entering Kazakhstan illegally after
having been detained at China’s request.
She told the court that she had escaped to Kazakhstan after being
advised by Chinese authorities that she would never be allowed to join her
family because of her knowledge of the camps. Ms. Sauytbay was given a
six-month suspended sentence and released from prison to join her recently
naturalized husband and children.
Since then, Ms. Sauytbay’s application for asylum has been rejected and
she has until the end of October to leave Kazakhstan. She hopes that an appeal
court will reverse the rejection.
Ms. Sauytbay’s case puts the Kazakh government between a rock and a hard
place and is but one of a string of recent cracks in the Muslim wall of
silence.
Kazakh authorities have to balance a desire to kowtow to Chinese demands
with a growing anti-Chinese sentiment that demands that the government stand up
for its nationals as well as Chinese nationals of Kazakh descent.
Ms. Sauytbay’s revelations that ethnic Kazakhs were also targeted in the
Chinese crackdown sparked angry denunciations in Kazakhstan’s parliament.
“There should be talks taking place with the Chinese delegates. Every delegation that goes there
should be bringing this topic up… The key issue is that of the human
rights of ethnic Kazakhs in any country of the world being respected,” said
Kunaysh Sultanov, a member of parliament and former deputy prime minister and
ambassador to China.
In a further crack, Malaysia this
week released 11 Uyghurs who were detained after having escaped
detention in Thailand.
The Uyghurs were allowed to leave the country for Turkey. The move,
coming in the wake of a decision by
Germany and Sweden to suspend deportations of Uyghurs to China, puts
on the spot countries like Turkey
and the United Arab
Emirates, where Uyghurs risk extradition.
Malaysia’s release of the Uyghurs occurred days before Anwar Ibrahim
took the first
hurdle in becoming the country’s next prime minister by this weekend
winning a parliamentary by election.
Mr. Ibrahim last month became the Muslim
world’s most prominent politician to speak out about the crackdown in
Xinjiang.
Earlier, Rais Hussin, a supreme council member of Malaysian prime
minister Mahathir Mohamad’s Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) party and
head of its Policy and Strategy Bureau, cautioned that “that geographical
proximity cannot be
taken advantage by China to ride roughshod over everything that Malaysia holds
dear, such as Islam, democracy, freedom of worship and deep respect
for every country’s sovereignty… On its mistreatment of Muslims in Xinjiang
almost en masse, Malaysia must speak up, and defend the most basic human rights
of all.”
Pakistan’s Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony minister, Noorul Haq
Qadri, was forced to raise the issue of Turkic
Muslims with Chinese ambassador Yao Xing under pressure from
Pakistanis whose spouses and relatives had been detained in the Xinjiang
crackdown.
Ms. Sauytbay’s appeal for asylum is likely to refocus public opinion in
Kazakhstan and other Central Asian nations on the plight of their Turkic
brethren.
“She will not
be deported, we will not allow it,” said Ms. Sauytbay’s lawyer,
Abzal Kuspanov.
Mr. Kuspanov’s defense of Ms. Sauytbay is about far more than the fate
of a former Chinese re-education camp employee. It will serve as a barometer of
China’s ability to impose its will. If China succeeds, it will raise the
question at what price. The answer to that is likely to only become apparent
over time.
