The battle lines in the 21st century’s Great Game aimed at
shaping the creation of a new Eurasia-centred world, built on the likely fusion
of Europe and Asia into what former Portuguese Europe minister Bruno Macaes calls a “supercontinent,” are all but cast in
cement.
For now, the Great Game pits China together with Russia, Turkey and Iran
against the United States, India, Japan and Australia. The two camps compete
for influence, if not dominance, in a swath of land that stretches from the
China Sea to the Atlantic coast of Europe.
The flashpoints are multiple. They range from the China Sea to
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, Iran, and Central European nations and,
most recently, far beyond with Russia, China and Turkey supporting embattled Venezuelan president
Nicolas Maduro.
The rivalry resembles Risk, a popular game of diplomacy, conflict and conquest
played on a board depicting a political map of the earth, divided into
forty-two territories, which are grouped into six continents. Multiple players
commanding armies that seek to capture territories engage in a complex dance as
they strive for advantage and seek to compensate for weaknesses. Players form
opportunistic alliances that could change at any moment. Potential black swans
threaten to disrupt.
The black swans in the Great Game are multiple and far more numerous
than those developed in a just published report by the Paris-based European
Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). Nonetheless, the scenarios
conceptualized in the report, ‘What If? Scanning the horizon: 12 scenarios for 2021,” are
grounded in recent trends and could prove to be game changers that radically
rejigger the Great Game’s current line-up.
The scenarios or grey swans in the report’s terminology, if they unfold
in reality, suggest that alliances in Eurasia are opportunistic and
transactional and like with Risk can turn players on their erstwhile allies as
interests diverge and re-converge. Analysis of five of the scenarios suggests
that fragility is greatest in the efforts of China, Russia, Turkey and Iran to
rebalance global power in their favour.
They suggest that strains in the United States’ relations with Russia
and Turkey are not immutable. Similarly, Russia’s effort to lock in former
Soviet republics with its Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) that groups Russia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Belarus, and Armenia could prove to be on shaky ground.
Russia’s alliance with Turkey and China as well as Iran even if the report has
not developed the latter possibility may be on thinner ice than meets the eye.
The same can be said for grey swans in the United States’ ties to its
long-standing allies as is played out in the report’s scenario for a withdrawal
of US troops from Europe as a result of President Donald J. Trump’s
accentuation of diverging trans-Atlantic interests.
With a multi-polar world the likely outcome of the battle for Eurasia,
the scenarios suggest that the perceived decline of the United States, despite
Mr. Trump’s unilateralism, is not irreversible. Similarly, depending on how it
plays its cards, Iran could emerge either as a winner or a loser.
The four scenarios involve a renewed round of popular protest in the
Arab world following the reversal of successful revolts in 2011 in Egypt, Libya
and Yemen and the embrace of brutal repression; political violence in the
Caucasus that pits Turkey against Russia and could threaten key nodes along
China’s Belt and Road; the dissolution of the Eurasian Economic Union in an
approaching post-Vladimir Putin era; a rejiggering of the political map of
south-eastern Europe and a strengthening of European cohesion with the US
troop withdrawal and resolution of tension between Serbia and Kosovo.
The notion of renewed popular Arab protests, including resistance to the
influence of militias in Syria and Libya, that could rewrite the political map
of the Middle East is hardly far-fetched with mass anti-government demonstrations in Sudan persisting for
more than a month; riots in Tunisia, the one relatively successful 2011 revolt;
protests on the West Bank against a new social security law;
and anti-government marches in Iraq.
If anything, the revolts highlight the risks that all players in the
Great Game run by supporting autocratic regimes that have largely failed to
sustainably deliver public goods and services and/or offer good governance and
cater to the social, economic and political aspirations of young populations.
“Pressure for change across the Arab world is likely to continue to
grow, keeping pace with the growth in populations, inequality and social
injustice,” concluded journalist Simon Tisdall on the eighth anniversary of the uprising in Egypt that toppled
president Hosni Mubarak but was ultimately defeated by a military coup two
years later.
The European Union Institute’s report imagines a massive attack on the
Baku Kars rail line, a vital node in the Belt and Road’s linking of China to
Europe that rekindles dormant local animosities as well as competing Russian
and Turkish economic and geostrategic interests, prompting both Moscow and
Ankara to lobby Washington for US support.
Similarly, a scenario envisaging Kazakhstan and Belarus withdrawing from
the Eurasian union because of its inability to live up to its ambition of
furthering regional integration sparks fears in Moscow that the demise of the
regional consortium could spark the collapse of the Collective Security Treaty
Organisation (CSTO), a military alliance that groups the five Eurasian union
members as well as Tajikistan and hosts Afghanistan and Serbia as observers.
The dissolution of the two organizations would significantly undermine Russia’s
regional standing.
Likewise, a swap of land between Serbia and Kosovo that purifies two
countries whose inter-communal relations have been poisoned by historic
prejudices and recent wars opens a Pandora’s Box across south-eastern Europe
but eases their accession to the European Union while a US troop withdrawal
would force EU members to focus on collective security.
It would only take one of these scenarios to unfold and potentially
spark a revisiting of the current line-up in the Great Game. Any one of the
scenarios is a realistic possibility.
Said European Union Institute deputy director Florence Gaub in her
introduction to the report: “Grey Swans share with Black Swans a high level of
strategic impact, but there is more evidence to support the idea that they are
actually possible… The analogy with the 1985 film ‘Back to the Future’ is pure
coincidence, of course – but just as in the film, we sometimes need to take a
trip to the future to inform our decision-making today.”
James M.
Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang
Technological University's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies
in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East
Soccer.
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