The growing complexity of
counter-terror efforts in Indonesia means the country can no longer centralise
its Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) initiatives in Jakarta. Instead,
Indonesia should start by involving local governments in the crafting of sustainable
CVE programs.
Civil
society organisations (CSO) in Indonesia have always been at the forefront of
reintegration programs for former terrorist suspects. Some of their initiatives
include integrating ex-terrorists back into society by providing them with the
means and training to start small business enterprises. Unemployment does not
necessarily lead an individual to commit terrorist acts, but it doesn’t help.
It may predispose them to approach radical networks as a
source of refuge and counsel.
But in the
author’s recent interview with a former terrorist convict, Agus (alias Agus
Marshal) revealed that he has never been exposed to CSO initiatives. Agus, a
Central Jakarta native, is currently employed as a cleaning supervisor at
Sadang-Cikopo Street in Purwakarta Regency, West Java. It is considered quite
rare for local governments to initiate integration programs to assist former
terrorists. But Agus, and the town of Purwakarta more generally, provide a
shining example of the pivotal role that local governments can play in
facilitating CVE initiatives in Indonesia.
Agus
returned to his wife’s hometown in Purwakarta when he was released from jail in
2015. Dedi Mulyadi, who served as the regent of Purwakarta at that time,
offered some start-up capital for Agus to run a food stall at a local market to
encourage his reintegration. But Agus did not receive any business training. As
a result, his business did not last long.
Mulyadi only
found out that Agus’ business had failed in the aftermath of the ‘pressure
cooker’ bomb attempt in Bandung in February 2017. Mulyadi met to confirm Agus’
past affiliation with the perpetrator, Yayat Cahdiyat. Agus joined the
same pengajian (Quran recital meeting) with Cahdiyat before he
was arrested for involvement in a robbery to fund an Aceh military training
camp for terrorists back in 2010.
Mulyadi was
again willing to assist Agus financially, but Agus turned down the offer — he
felt he was incapable of running a business. He told Mulyadi personally that he
would rather work as a regular employee as he had prior experience working in a
factory.
Former
inmates naturally encounter obstacles in securing regular jobs. To apply for a
job in Indonesia, applicants are required to submit a police clearance
certificate. Most institutions in Indonesia, both public or private, are
reluctant to recruit individuals with criminal records. Mulyadi eventually
assisted Agus in his job hunt as a cleaning supervisor near his house in
Cibening Purwakarta.
Agus also
had the opportunity to become a speaker for the Purwakarta Ideology School
thanks to Mulyadi. The Purwakarta Ideology School is a flagship program under
Mulyadi’s leadership. It was established in 2016 to introduce Pancasila,
Indonesia’s national ideology, to local societies. It targets students from
junior high schools, high schools and universities as well as teachers,
villagers and officials from youth communities in Purwakarta.
Classes are
held once a week. The school allows former terrorists like Agus to share their
experiences and educate students on the perils of extremist teachings. The
classes emphasise a culture of tabayyun or ‘verify and
confirm’ among students when it comes to sensitive information and news
relating to politics and religion. Other prominent speakers include Islamic
scholar Azyumardi Azra and religious freedom advocate Romo Antonius Benny
Susetyo.
The
Purwakarta government’s initiative is a viable alternative model to reintegrate
former terrorists in Indonesia. Authorities often encounter challenges in
monitoring former terrorists across the country and cannot depend on the
direction of the central government in Jakarta or even CSOs due to their
limited outreach.
Indonesia’s
National Counter-terrorism Agency (BNPT) does not have representatives
stationed in local regions who can regularly monitor the effectiveness of
reintegration programs. There is also a limited number of experienced local
CSOs. For instance, the Peace Generation CSO based in Bandung had to assist in
numerous reintegration programs for deportees in various districts in West Java
such as Bandung, Majalengka and Subang. Their resources were spread far too
thin across the vast distances between locations.
The local
government in Purwakarta is able to provide suitable programs despite the
absence of specific guidelines and instructions from the central government.
Stigma was largely overcome due to the presence of the Ideology School, which
allowed for dialogue to take place between former terrorists and local people.
The local
government in Purwakarta also provided financial assistance for Agus. This kind
of assistance should be tailored according to the circumstances of the
individual. It should not be limited to just small entrepreneurs but also
extend to other forms of employment. In this way, the individual is indebted to
the local government and the local apparatus can then monitor the reintegration
process more effectively.
Despite its
merits, the Purwakarta model is far from perfect. The BNPT should work together
with CSOs to further refine their initiatives and support the CVE efforts of
local governments. The latter still require significant assistance to
effectively conduct professional development programs and formulate regular
monitoring procedures.
Chaula
Rininta Anindya is a Research Analyst with the Indonesia Programme of the S
Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological
University, Singapore.
A version of
this article was previously published on RSIS.
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