Indonesia’s Salim routs Filipino cronies
Last February 24, all
media, no matter what their political persuasion, were in a chorus of praise
reporting the following news: One Victorico Vargas beat Jose Cojuangco in an
election for the presidency of the Philippine Olympic Committee, the body
responsible for our nation’s performance in that global event. It was a heated
contest, with Vargas having to ask a court two years ago to issue an order for
the POC to undertake the election.
Yes, that Cojuangco was the
brother of the late Cory Aquino and the uncle of her son, former President
Noynoy Aquino 3rd, an exemplar of the Philippines’ old landed political elite.
This
newspaper made it its banner story, the first time sports news was headlined in
any newspaper, except of course for boxing champion Manny Pacquiao’s victories:
“Vargas routs Cojuangco.” The article’s lead celebratory paragraph was that of
nearly all media outlets, including the three biggest newspapers: “Finally
change has come in Philippine sports.” “Cojuangco’s 13-year reign has ended.”
Not a
single media outfit though bothered to explain who the hell this Vargas —whom
they all referred to by his nickname “Ricky” rather than his official name
“Victorico” – is, and how he could beat the patriarch of one of the country’s
most powerful oligarch clans. They all merely reported that he was the head of
the Association of Boxing Alliances of the Philippines. Nobody even reported
what sport he played, and I was told it was solely bowling. Weren’t they even
curious who this Vargas was?
Pangilinan surrogate
I am not
exaggerating at all when I assert that Vargas wouldn’t win an election for
chairman of his barangay’s sports committee. He won the POC presidency beating
Cojuangco because of one thing, and one thing only:
He is the surrogate of PLDT chairman Manuel V. Pangilinan. MVP, as he is fondly called by a servile media, in turn is the surrogate in the Philippines of Anthoni Salim, whose family’s wealth grew during Indonesian President Suharto’s 31-year rule, mainly because the patriarch was the dictator’s biggest crony.
He is the surrogate of PLDT chairman Manuel V. Pangilinan. MVP, as he is fondly called by a servile media, in turn is the surrogate in the Philippines of Anthoni Salim, whose family’s wealth grew during Indonesian President Suharto’s 31-year rule, mainly because the patriarch was the dictator’s biggest crony.
If
surrogate is too obscure a word, Pangilinan and Vargas are merely
executives—employees, minions and lackeys though are valid synonyms—in the
companies that Salim tightly controls: PLDT and the Hong Kong-based First
Pacific Co., Ltd., the latter being the holding company for the Metro Pacific
conglomerate in the country.
Pangilinan
is Salim’s top executive at PLDT, Metro Pacific, Meralco and over three dozen
Philippine companies the Indonesian tycoon controls—a structure that evades the
Constitution’s limit on foreign ownership of public utilities.
As I have
written in so many columns and in my book Colossal Deception: How Foreigners
Control Our Telecoms Sector, Salim is the single biggest stockholder, with 45
percent, of First Pacific, with the rest of the stocks held by American and
European magnates. Through First Pacific’s subsidiaries, Salim is the biggest
stockholder of PLDT, holding 26 percent of its shares. Pangilinan owns a
minuscule 1.6 percent of First Pacific and 0.1 percent of PLDT.
Vargas
was a Citibank Bangkok human resources executive—an expertise that very rarely
takes one to the top posts in the corporate world—until Pangilinan recruited
him into PLDT in 2007 as its personnel management head.
Not with the top
Vargas
isn’t among Salim’s top executives which, other than Pangilinan, consist of
strategist Edward Tortorici, finance man Robert Nicholson, and legal
brain-trust (and chairman of Philippine Star, Business World and Salim’s other
media outfits) Ray Espinosa.
The firm
Vargas was assigned to handle, and where he stayed for five years, Maynilad
Water, had not been a profit center that First Pacific has never reported any
income from it – hardly a track record that would catapult him in 2016 to being
one of only three Filipinos with the assistant-director rank in Salim’s holding
and command-center firm.
(The
other two assistant directors are Espinosa and Marilyn A. Victorio-Aquino –
both from the Sycip Salazar Hernandez and Gatmaitan law offices which, I was
told, thought up the legal way in which PLDT could skirt constitutional limits
on foreign capital in public utilities and even in media. A long-time director
of First Pacific, said to have guided Pangilinan through the maze of Philippine
business and politics since the 1990s, is former President Aquino’s foreign
affairs secretary, Albert del Rosario.)
The
Philippine Daily Inquirer’s article on Vargas’ election as POC president read:
“Vargas got a big morale boost from the presence of PLDT/Smart CEO Manny V.
Pangilinan, who immediately pledged P20 million as seed money for the POC.” It
reported nothing more though on Pangilinan’s role.
That
report would be a classic example of stupid journalism: Even when facts and
events are in front of a stupid reporter, he would not see what is really the
news.
Pangilinan
didn’t just give Vargas “a morale boost.” Vargas role in Philippine sports has
been entirely Pangilinan’s creation: He was his cock in that cockfight over the
presidency of the POC, the culmination of the Salim executive’s campaign in the
past many years to be a patron – and a force – in Philippine sports.
Sports patron
Pangilinan
was even awarded “Sports Patron of the Year” in 2010 by a sports writers’
association. In 2011, he set up his “Manuel V. Pangilinan Sports Foundation,”
which he says supports basketball, boxing, cycling, taekwondo, badminton,
tennis, running and football. At its launch, he gave a huge replica of a check
for P80 million payable to the Philippine Football Federation, as the
conglomerate’s 10-year funding commitment to it.
Pangilinan
has also portrayed himself as a patron of the most popular sport in the
country, basketball. Three First Pacific companies have teams in the
professional league, the Philippine Basketball Association. He has bankrolled
the basketball team of his college alma mater, the Ateneo de Manila, since
2005, that of San Beda, where he studied up to high school and most recently,
that of the University of the Philippines.
Through
PLDT subsidiary Smart Communications, Pangilinan has financed Gilas Pilipinas,
the country’s national basketball team that competes in international
competitions. Pangilinan also became a patron of boxing and got himself the
position of chairman of the board of trustees of the Philippine Amateur Boxing
Association, a post he later gave to Vargas, while retaining the
chairman-emeritus title.
Vargas
has been head of PLDT’s “Business Transformation Office” since 2016. The
company‘s PR head Ramon Isberto has been unable to explain to me what it is
exactly that the office does that it should be headed by a senior vice
president, Vargas.
My
sources claimed though that the overriding task that Pangilinan has given
Vargas is to be his surrogate in Philippine sports, in tandem with Meralco’s
senior vice president, Afredo Panlilio.
It is
certainly to Pangilinan’s credit that he is now the country’s biggest patron of
sports. You would be born yesterday though if you think such a hard-nosed
executive of a monopoly capitalist is doing it out of patriotism.
Pangilinan’s
being a patron of sports, his being a big financial donor to his alma mater,
the Ateneo de Manila, and his control of more than 12 hospitals—all of course
funded by the conglomerate Salim controls— has been one of the most successful
PR operations I’ve seen in my career as a journalist.
Concealed from public
Through
such contributions — which probably converts into some form of tax deductions —
he has gained so much prestige that the fact is concealed from the public mind,
or accepted by the elites, that an Indonesian tycoon has managed to be the
owner of the country’s biggest public-utility conglomerate. The Constitution
had wisely prohibited this, yet Philippine presidents since 1998, and our own
elites, have closed their eyes to this huge anomaly.
Salim had
wrested control of PLDT in 1998 from the Ramon Cojuangco clan that was a
Marcos, and then a Cory, crony. He then bought in the late 2000s the
electricity monopoly Meralco and water utility monopoly Maynilad Water from the
pre-martial law oligarch Lopez clan that had been close to Cory Aquino. His
purchase of the Lopezes’ First Philippine Infrastructure at that time was
Salim’s base, funded partly also by the huge profits of PLDT, to get into
infrastructure, that today his conglomerate is the biggest in that sector.
The
kicking out of Jose Cojuangco from the POC is just another chapter in our
country’s sad recent history of an Indonesian crony routing Filipino cronies.
At least
the Filipino cronies had kept their profits—at least a big part of them—here,
unlike the Indonesian who has pumped out of the country about $2 billion in
profits since 2005. (See my column, “Foreign firms generating super-profits
from PH telecom duopoly,” November 22, 2017.)
Vargas as
well as Panlilio though seem not to be just Pangilinan’s surrogates in Philippine
sports. Very surprisingly and strangely, the two are the top investors in
certain companies that created the layers of corporations that Salim argues
makes his conglomerate majority Filipino-owned, even as Vargas and Panlilio
appear effectively to be dummying for Salim. I have discussed this in my book
and in my columns two years ago: “The Indonesian billionaires behind the ‘MVP
Group’; “Indonesian tycoon skirts Charter limits through corporate layers”; and
“Closet billionaires . . . or corporate dummies?”
I have
asked Vargas through PLDT’s PR man to comment again on these columns so I can
give his side, that he isn’t one of Salim’s corporate dummies, in a column next
Wednesday. I have been waiting for his comment for two weeks.
Rigoberto
Tiglao
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