Malaysia’s rule of law may have reigned supreme in
this week’s case of the Budgie Nine
– saving the Southeast Asian state from gross national insult at the hands of
some silly young Australians.
Too bad the
same thing can’t be said about another national disgrace, the 1MDB financial
scandal.
In the face of
investigations into the country’s failing sovereign wealth fund, and Prime
Minister Najib Razak’s alleged links to millions of missing dollars, the rule
of law has in fact gone missing in action.
This was certainly the case
when Najib sacked attorney general, Abdul Gani Patail,
who planned to bring charges relating to 1MDB against the PM in July 2015.
The plan was leaked, and Abdul Ghani
stepped down, officially for ‘health reasons’. Perhaps he’d heard about what
happened to former Mongolian model and Najib’s inner circle mainstay, Altantuya Shaarribuu.
At the same time, Najib
removed his deputy and one of his most vocal critics — Muhyiddin Yassin.
The former AG’s
replacement, Mohamed Apandi Ali, almost immediately cleared his embattled PM of
any wrongdoing.
Apandi said that the royal
family of Saudi Arabia had gifted Najib $US 681 million, of which $US 600
million had been returned. He also said no criminal offence had been committed.
However, several countries, including the US, Switzerland, Singapore and the
Seychelles, are still investigating the case.
Reports on the scandal by
Malaysia’s central bank and anti-corruption commission have also been dismissed
by Apandi; according to him the PM has no case to answer.
And in June, Najib filed
court documents that denied graf, misuse of power, and interference in 1MDB
investigations in response to a lawsuit brought by former PM and mentor,
and now key adversary, Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Meanwhile, the almost 700
million dollar question of how 2.6 billion ringgit managed to find its way into
Najib’s personal bank accounts has yet to be satisfactorily answered.
So much for due process,
democratic safeguards, transparency, and holding those in power to account. But
can we expect anything better from a Malaysia still under the sway of
long-ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) and its leading party, Najib’s
UMNO?
As Jayson Browder notes, BN has long had a
poor record of abiding by the rule of law.
It has consistently
leveraged several national laws – including The Peaceful Assembly Act of 2012,
the Sedition Act of 1948, and the Printing Presses and Publications Act of 1948
– to curtail freedoms, assembly, political expression as well as intimate
activists and the media, and ensure its power.
These tactics guarantee the
ruling coalition’s stranglehold over Malaysia’s political system “through a
combination of economic rewards, intimidation of political opponents, and
several national laws, which are in direct violation of Article 10 of the
Federal Constitution in Malaysia.” Article 10 is meant to guarantee Malaysian
citizens the right to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of
association.
An embattled Najib has only
sharpened the teeth of a legal system already heavily stacked in his party’s
favour. In August he brought in an unprecedented law that allows him to
designate ‘security areas’ and deploy forces to search people, places and
vehicles without a warrant.
Draconian would be an
understatement.
Laurent Meillan, from the
UN Human Rights Office for Southeast Asia, said that they were “gravely concerned”
about human rights violations as a consequence of the act. The act could
further restrict already highly limited rights of free speech and free
assembly.
And in March this year, the
independent news site The Malaysian Insider, went offline. Owners cited
poor financial returns and high costs. The then editor, Jahabar Sadiq, said it
was because the threat of being charged with sedition that could lead to jail
time had become all too real.
The decision to pull the
plug came almost three weeks after Malaysia’s Internet regulator — the
Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission – issued a gag order on the
site because of a report alleging the country’s anti-corruption commission had
sufficient evidence to bring criminal charges against Najib in the 1MDB case –
even though he had already been cleared by Apandi.
The lesson? Smuggling
budgies and smearing the flag is a clear no-no. Smuggling billions and smearing
the nation’s sovereign wealth fund is a-ok.
It all goes to show that in
Malaysia there is the rule of law – but most of the time there’s the law that
lets BN rule.
James Giggacher is an associate lecturer in the ANU Coral Bell School of
Asia Pacific Affairs and editor of New
Mandala.
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