China is urging average citizens to join the fight to defend national
security
On July 1, 2015, China
adopted its National Security Law. At the time, most media coverage focused on
the areas of the law that had come under fire from concerned foreign
governments (most notably the potential for restrictions on foreign investment
and the effect on China’s already narrow space for free expression). One
particular aspect of the law went largely unheeded, until last week: Article 14 establishes April 15 as
“national security education day.”
Accordingly,
last Friday was marked with a new propaganda push designed to educate citizens
on the national security threats lurking in their midst. “Pamphlets, posters
and animations have been distributed in government organizations, schools,
businesses, and housing complexes,” Xinhua reported, all for the
goal of “raising awareness of national security among the public.”
President
Xi Jinping himself issued instructions
urging China to “enhance people’s national security awareness.” In addition to
his titles of president and the general secretary of the Communist Party of
China (CPC), Xi also chairs the recently created National Security Commission
(NSC), which apparently provided the inspiration for the April 15 date. The NSC
held its first official meeting
on April 15, 2014.
China’s
“national security education day” is best understood as part of an ongoing
emphasis on national security, which began in earnest with Xi’s ascension to
the CPC’s top position. The creation of the National Security Commission was
announced at the 2013 Third Plenum, the first major Party meeting after Xi
assumed control. Six months later, the NSC held its first meeting. By January
2015, China’s Politburo had adopted a new national security
strategy. And this year, China’s new Five Year Plan contained an
entire chapter on “Building a National Security System.”
These
moves are all linked by a common narrative: China as a nation faces
unprecedented threats and challenges; strong CPC leadership (and, implicitly,
leadership by Xi in particular) is the only way for China to safely weather the
current storms; the CPC will thus expand its ability to guard against national
security threats.
In China,
the question of national security focuses on maintaining Party control and
leadership first and foremost. As Xinhua put it just after the
passage of the National Security Law, “The new law covers almost every aspect
of public life in China. Its mandate includes politics, defense, finance,
environment, cyberspace and even culture and religion.” That means, in turn,
that the CPC is legally equipped to define acceptable behavior in all those
spheres – the law is as much about preventing “negative cultural influences”
(Chapter II, Article 23) as it is about improving China’s border, coastal, and
air defenses (Chapter II, Article 17).
Thus the
emphasis in the overseas media on one particular facet of the national security
push – the repeated warnings against foreign spies – only tells part of the
story. Cautionary comics about foreign agents seducing Chinese
government employees make for good headlines, and there’s no denying
the obsession among Chinese leaders about purging foreign influence from the
country (see the recent tirade
accusing a Disney movie about talking animals of being an avenue for U.S.
“brainwashing”). That has real world implications, with the recent increase in
arrests of foreigners accused of espionage. In 2015, Chinese authorities
detained at least three Japanese nationals
and one American on
charges of spying.
Against
this backdrop, China is equipping and actively urging its citizens to join the
fight to defense China’s national security. One online animated video
released by the Ministry of State Security in honor of national security
education day reminds viewers that average citizens are expected to report
potentially harmful activities to the authorities. In return, they can expect
to receive unnamed rewards. The video shows a baby (who has just reported a
bank robbery by a gang of Batman villains) receiving trophies and applause from
an anthropomorphic version of the National Security Law.
But the
emphasis on national security education goes beyond the supposed threat posed
by foreigners. Citizens are urged to report suspicious behavior in other realms
as well – witness the hefty rewards offered for tips about potential terrorist
activity in Xinjiang. For reporting on their neighbors, Xinjiang residents can
receive up to 5 million yuan ($770,000), Radio Free Asia reports. Informants also
receive awards for reporting on suspicious religious activities as well.
When it
comes to foreign “subversion,” there are two elements: the nefarious foreigners
as well as the Chinese citizens who fall under their influence. China’s national
security strategy is aimed at both sides of the equation – rooting out both
foreigners and those who subscribe to “foreign values” (including, as China’s
leaders have made clear, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press). Thus the
national security strategy outlined in the 13th Five Year Plan calls not only
for tougher counterespionage, but for tighter censorship, particularly online,
and the continued promotion of traditional Chinese culture.
It may be
useful to think of the current emphasis on national security as the beginning
of another “people’s war.” To go along with the emphasis on enlisting citizens
to fight terrorism, China is equally fervent in telling its citizens to stay
vigilant against perceived threats to China’s national security, whether that
means foreigners who show a keen interest in secret government documents or
online bloggers who question Beijing’s policies. Both, China’s authorities
would like you to know, are potentially fatal to the nation. By Shannon
Tiezzi
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