4
Myths About North Korea
In order to successfully approach North Korea, steer clear of these
unhelpful myths.
No
country annoys its neighbors like North Korea. With its fourth and most recent
nuclear test, North Korea has, once again, put itself in front of
all major powers in Asia and beyond. As usual, most commentary has focused on
whether North Korea was bluffing with a nuclear test and whose failures should
be blamed for this increasingly disturbing situation. These debates are not
new. For policymakers, the hour is urgent: What can be done about North Korea
and its seemingly crazy dictatorship? Before we can even begin to answer this
question, it’s best to take care to not fall prey to these four common myths
about North Korea.
First, is
the myth that North Korea under the young leader Kim Jong-un is a crazy and
irrational actor. In fact, in reality, it is far from this. Actually all the
evidence suggest that North Korea and the Kim family have always been
rational–maybe too rational. Everything North Korea has done so far
centers around the central purpose of all countries in an anarchical
international environment: survival. We can say this is the case for North
Korea especially because its survival, from the perspective of its leaders, is
under serious threat. A nuclear test, if successful, can greatly increase the
likelihood of the regime’s survival. This doesn’t change the fact that a
nuclear North Korea might be bad news for other countries in Asia.
Second,
there is the myth that the Kim family is deeply resented by the North Korean
people and, as such, the regime’s implosion is imminent. Again, this is a
Western myth. North Korea, in a way, is a unique country because of its own
history and culture. There is little sense of it being a ‘nation-state’ as most
other countries understand the term. In North Korea, the Kim family is the
nation and the state. Thus, to defend the Kim family is to defend the very idea
of this nation-state. There is no other way to imagine North Korea. Of course,
there are some brave North Koreans who try to stand up for their freedoms. But
do not count on them bringing about a regime change. Any substantial reforms in
the future will likely come from a top-down process. In this sense, we should
expect the Kim regime to stay around for a while.
Third, a
myth persists that China, as North Korea’ s largest trading partner, holds the
ultimate key to the solution of the North Korea problem. This is a very
simplistic view of China-North Korea relations, if not totally wrong. While it
is true that China perhaps has more influence on North Korea than any other
countries like Russia or the United States, we should be reminded that North
Korea is an independent country with its own will and agency. For the last
three years, North Korea has repeatedly offended China with its aggressive
policies toward other Asian countries, thus putting China’s national interests
in danger. The fact that Kim Jong-un still has not met with Chinese President Xi
Jinping is the best evidence of a rather cold relationship between the two.
China has made it very clear that its North Korea policy will only follow its
national interests, not North Korea’s.
Fourth,
we must reckon with the myth that sanctions will work on North Korea.
Unfortunately, this is perhaps still the biggest myth among policy makers.
Economic sanctions will not have any major effect on the North Korean economy,
as evidenced by the 1990s. Meanwhile, military action is simply too costly and
no major power can bear the costs. With each passing day, North Korea is moving
closer and closer to becoming a fully functional nuclear power.
If all of
these myths leave you pessimistic, then the good news is that even a nuclear
North Korea will remain a rational actor. Nuclear weapons in our post-World War
2 era have functioned as purely defensive weapons. North Korea, in the
meantime, will remain a weak and insecure country, with or without nuclear
weapons. The international community can adopt a ‘containment’ strategy toward
North Korea and encourage domestic reforms under Kim Jong-un. As we approach
the issue, we must take caution to steer clear of unhelpful myths about the
nature of the North Korean state. By Dingding
Chen
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