ASEAN needs to get serious about the role of cyberspace in conflicts
over the South China Sea.
As China
expands its foothold in the Spratly islands, piling sand and building airstrips
on the contested reefs in the middle of the South China Sea, the world has
turned its attention back to the territorial disputes that have lingered in the
region for decades. While naval strategies and broader military doctrine have
dominated the recent headlines, one crucial element of modern conflict has been
surprisingly missing from the debate over the South China Sea: cyberspace.
If the
past is any guide, however, future escalation in the disputed waters is likely
to spill over to the cyber realm regardless of where it starts. According to
reports by FireEye, Kaspersky
Lab’s Securelist, and CrowdStrike, the Southeast Asian claimants
to the South China Sea, along with private companies doing business in the
region, have been popular targets of advanced intrusion operations originating
from China. Chinese cyber units and malware variants have successfully
infiltrated public networks in the region, primarily targeting top-level
government agencies and civil and military organizations in the Philippines and
Vietnam.
China’s
activities in cyberspace are a means to achieve its goals in the physical world
and carry serious potential for escalating lingering tensions into a full-on
battle, both on- and offline. Beijing has used its cyber capabilities to
accompany other, often diplomatically risky, moves. Indeed, the volume of
cyberattacks has significantly increased at times of heightened tensions, with
China seeking to gather sensitive security details to gain a strategic edge
over its regional rivals.
For
example in May 2014, China
dragged an oil rig into waters claimed by Vietnam, sparking an international
incident. Vessels from both countries engaged in water-cannon battles and
deadly anti-China protests erupted in Vietnam. China took the conflict from
land and sea to cyberspace, targeting Vietnamese government and
military agencies via spear-phishing campaigns that spread documents containing
malware. The threat actors likely succeeded in compromising a network
belonging to a Vietnamese intelligence agency, gaining access to sensitive
information about the country’s security strategy.
A notable
uptick in China-based cyberattacks against
Vietnamese networks also occurred in October 2014, possibly in response to
Vietnamese arms acquisitions meant to boost its maritime security capabilities.
These incidents pushed Vietnam to become the most targeted country in cyberspace in
2014, surpassing even the United States.
Vietnam
hasn’t been the only South Chin Sea claimant targeted by Chinese cyberattacks. In April 2012,
Chinese patrol vessels docked in waters near the Philippine-claimed Scarborough
Shoal. After a tense standoff, the Philippines was forced to withdraw its
ships. At the same time, hackers from both sides launched extensive defacement campaigns
of government, media, and university websites. A Chinese cyber unit succeeded
in infiltrating
Philippine government and military networks, stealing military documents,
internal communications, and other sensitive materials related to the dispute.
With the
Chinese island-building spree intensifying and the preliminary decision of the
arbitral tribunal in the Philippines’ legal challenge against China expected by
the end of the year, the tensions in the South China Sea will continue to run
high. And as the past disputes in the region clearly show, conflicts in the
physical world will undoubtedly also play out in cyberspace.
Strong
cyber defenses are crucial for a nation’s ability to protect sensitive national
security information and ensure the operability of many of its core functions.
However, the cyber capabilities of Vietnam and the Philippines, along with
other Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members bordering the
South China Sea, range from weak to nonexistent.
Should
the tensions escalate into an active conflict and move from cyber espionage and
relatively harmless website defacements into causing real damage to critical
infrastructure or government networks, the countries of ASEAN would have
practically no way of stopping the attacks. And although the United States is
geographically far removed from the territorial disputes, its regional
alliances – particularly its mutual defense treaty with the Philippines,
reaffirmed in 2014 – and its broader strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific
would inevitably drag the U.S. into the dispute.
It is
therefore past time to start taking the cyber threat in the South China Sea
seriously. The Philippines and Vietnam, along with other targeted countries,
should direct increasing resources to developing more sophisticated cyber
defense architectures to protect military systems and other sensitive networks.
This should include providing sufficient funding for national Computer
Emergency Response Teams (CERTs) and creating units under the armed forces to
centralize the command of cyberspace operations, similar to the U.S. Cyber
Command.
On a
regional level, ASEAN needs to fast-track its dormant efforts to create a more
resilient cybersecurity regime to mitigate the Chinese cyber threat against its
members. The organization should take concrete steps to create a permanent
coordinating and information-sharing mechanism, either under the ASEAN
secretariat or as a stand-alone ASEAN-CERT under the umbrella of the
Asia-Pacific CERT. And while the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting does not yet
address cybersecurity as a separate topic, it would be a natural forum to
better coordinate regional military efforts.
Additionally,
the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which the Chinese also participate in, would
serve as a suitable venue for establishing regional codes of conduct and
confidence building measures for cyberspace, furthering transparency and
complementing the ASEAN-only efforts. ARF should work towards a concrete
framework for dealing with cyber conflict, similar to its efforts to enhance
maritime security, and establish a communications network that could be
activated during cyber crises.
The
United States, echoing the sentiment of the recently released U.S. Department
of Defense Asia-Pacific Maritime Security
Strategy, should make it a priority to enhance the cybersecurity
capabilities of its regional allies and partners, “both to respond to threats
within their own territories as well as to provide [security] more broadly
across the region.” This can occur through provision of tools, technologies,
and training, joint cyber incident response exercises, or information sharing
initiatives.
Boosting
the region’s cyber defenses proactively, before the next major crisis flares
up, offers a viable model for regional cooperation aimed at gradually
making Southeast Asian militaries more capable, credible, and independent in
the cyber realm. It will allow the countries to increasingly take the lead in
protecting their territories and networks while letting the United States
slowly move to the back seat.
Anni
Piiparinen is a program assistant with the Cyber Statecraft Initiative of the
Atlantic Council’s Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security.
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