Sri Lanka’s
‘Accountability’ Dilemma
With an important UN Human Rights
Council session on the horizon, Colombo’s plan for ‘accountability’ is hotly
debated.
With the opening of the U.N. Human
Rights Council’s 30th session just days away, many Sri Lanka watchers are
waiting to see how Colombo deals with the release of a major U.N. report
focused on wartime abuses in Sri Lanka and its plans for handling “accountability”
issues domestically. What will Colombo’s accountability mechanism actually look
like? And is it actually possible for such a mechanism to work properly? What
role, if any, will international actors play in such a process?
Sri Lanka’s new government has said
publicly that they will pursue accountability via domestic means, although
(broadly speaking) ethnic Tamils simply do not have faith in a domestic
accountability process. The thinking being that for decades the
Sinhala-dominated state has created commissions of inquiry or domestic
accountability mechanisms, yet genuine justice does not follow and impunity
remains institutionalized.
When I was in Colombo last month,
the tensions surrounding this debate were palpable. On the one hand, a properly
administered transitional justice mechanism needs to be victim-centered, and
there can be little doubt that the country’s Tamil community has suffered
disproportionately as a result decades of war. On the other hand, most Sri
Lankans probably don’t want an international mechanism (or even a hybrid
mechanism).
Moreover, on the international
stage, the U.S. has been out in front in pushing for accountability (among
other matters) in post-war Sri Lanka. Recently, the Obama administration has
made it clear that it’s backing Colombo’s domestic process.
Some observers have described
Washington’s current stance as a complete volte-face, claiming that the
U.S. has gone from being a champion of an international mechanism to now
willfully accepting a domestic process.
Establishing an international
accountability mechanism for Sri Lanka would not be possible without
significant and sufficiently broad international support. One prominent way to
do so would be through a U.N. Security Council resolution. If something like that
were to happen, the U.S. would almost certainly be one of the countries taking
the lead. If the U.S. is now backing a domestic process, the prospects for
creating an international mechanism look extremely dim.
Washington’s quick and wholehearted
embrace of the newly elected Sri Lankan government has drawn skepticism,
resentment and deep concern from the Tamil community. The recent visit of a
pair of Assistant Secretaries of State, Nisha Biswal and Tom Malinowski, seems
to have contributed to further polarization within the country.
One of the main issues now is that,
paradoxically, the Tamil community’s total rejection of any domestic mechanism
could weaken their ability to influence that process, particularly as it
relates to international advice and the provision of technical assistance.
A recent piece by
Colombo-based journalist Kusal Perera has illustrated how hard it will be to
create a domestic accountability mechanism in Sri Lanka that’s truly impartial
and independent. Nevertheless, in spite of the profound challenges ahead, it
appears that Colombo will be given a chance to find truth and justice on its
own terms – at least for the time being.
Like
other issues that have saturated the country’s post-war discourse, this is an
extremely difficult issue. No matter what happens in the coming weeks, that’s
not going to change. By Taylor Dibbert
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