Beijing has just initiated its biggest cut in bank reserve requirements
since 2008, a move that underscores just how worried it is about its economy.
But the cut is also a stark wake-up call for neighbors that have gotten used to
riding China’s boom. For years, China’s steady growth served as a welcome
antidote to an otherwise gloomy global scene. Now even China is sputtering in
ways that should worry officials from Seoul to Jakarta.
The People’s Bank of
China betrayed a sense of heightened anxiety this week. Normally, the central
bank tweaks the amount of cash lenders must set aside as reserves by 50 basis
points, at most. Slashing it by 1 percentage point leaves little doubt that,
amid a collapse in the price of commodities like iron ore (down 30 percent this
year), China is decelerating faster than President Xi Jinping had expected.
What’s more, the
contradictory signals coming out of Beijing suggest policy makers are at odds
over how to respond. The PBOC’s cut — which will allow banks to add $194
billion of new lending to the economy — came two days after the China
Securities and Regulatory Commission clamped down on margin trading to curb
froth in the stock market. Even as Beijing has been warning its 1.3 billion
people not to bet too heavily on stocks, it has been loosening rules to allow
investors to open as many as 20 trading accounts.
That latter policy
should be particularly worrying for anyone hoping the Chinese economy will
avoid an outright crash. “When a stock market doubles in six months,” quips
investor Patrick Chovanec of Silvercrest Asset Management, “you usually take
away the punchbowl — not China.”
China’s economic
policymakers, who are attempting a managed slowdown on an unprecedented scale,
probably feel they lack other options. Since 2008, they had relied on huge
infrastructure projects and thriving real estate markets to put a floor under
weakening growth. But those sectors are now wildly overcapacity. And that has
forced Xi and PBOC chief Zhou Xiaochuan to depend almost entirely on inducing a
stock market rally.
Whether that’s a
sustainable strategy is another question, of course. Economic policy that’s
overly reliant on the stock market, says economist Adam Slater of Oxford
Economics, “raises the risk of serious negative feedback effects, for example
from bad loans, banking sector problems and a flight of foreign capital.”
What’s clear is that
any economic collapse in China would immediately be felt across the continent.
China’s $9.2 trillion economy is by far Asia’s biggest — nearly twice the
size of Japan’s — and it is the region’s main trading partner.
China’s downshift is
already unmasking Asia’s underlying cracks. After a decade of stellar
performance the region is expanding no faster than in the early 2000s. “Risks
in emerging markets — half of global GDP — have in our view clearly increased,”
says Slater. Now, Slater says, developing-economy growth, excluding China, will
be only about 2 percent this year “with risks still to the downside.”
Asia needs a growth
plan that relies less on China and more on domestic demand. It’s hard to craft
uniform prescriptions for such a large and diverse region, but, at risk of
generalizing, Asia’s developing economies should start by lowering trade
barriers; reducing red tape; attacking corruption; improving infrastructure;
and reducing taxes on regionally-made goods to increase exports and, in turn,
wages.
“Asia has had an easy
ride for many years, initially enjoying the fruits of reforms implemented much
earlier and then seeing its run extended by an extraordinary monetary
stimulus,” warns HSBC economist Frederic Neumann. “This, however, led to a
neglect of further reforms, with easy gains dispelling any sense of urgency to
sustain progress with politically painful policy decisions.”
It’s hard to
exaggerate how devastating a Chinese crash would be for Asia. Even an orderly
deceleration of China’s economy will likely prove a crisis. But perhaps that
won’t be a bad thing for a region that has long delayed standing on its own.
William Pesek is a
Bloomberg View columnist based in Tokyo and writes on economics, markets and
politics throughout the Asia-Pacific region.
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