An embarrassing fact about ASEAN
governments that is generally avoided in public policy discussions is that the
capacity of most ASEAN states is quite limited — much more limited than they,
and the international community, generally wish to admit. Until it is
recognised that state capacity is limited, it will be hard to understand the
implications for public policy.
It is not easy to measure
the capacity of a state. Essentially, the concept is closely related to the
power it can exercise. Power, in turn, can be measured and exercised in various
ways — including politically, coercively through the military and police,
legally, and administratively.
Levels of taxation and
expenditure are two important measures of the capacity of a state. The level of
taxation is a good measure because it reflects the power of a state to collect
revenues from citizens to provide public goods. From another point of view,
expenditures are a better measure because the size of expenditures indicates
the ability of a state to respond to the expectations of citizens and to
provide the goods and services that citizens expect from their governments.
Surprisingly, statistics on
levels of taxation and expenditure in ASEAN are somewhat opaque. The key data
are not readily accessible. Having comparable figures on the fiscal capacity of
ASEAN states more widely available would be a useful first.
Figures for government
spending across ASEAN throw up some startling facts. As a benchmark, the
average level of government spending in Australia and New Zealand in 2012 was
around US$16,800 per person. By comparison, the average level of government
spending across ASEAN in the same year was around US$730.
The figures for government
spending across ASEAN naturally vary from country to country. In oil-rich
Brunei the government spent over US$15,000 per person in 2012. Government
spending in Indonesia, the largest country in ASEAN, was slightly below the
average, at about US$600 per person. And in Myanmar, the fiscal capacity of government was very
limited indeed, with annual spending at around US$40 per person.
These extraordinary
differences in per capita government spending may be interpreted in different
ways. One view is that the different levels are not surprising because they
reflect, naturally, the different levels of income per capita in the different
countries. While this is doubtless true, it is also true that the expectations
of ordinary citizens across ASEAN in a globalising world are increasingly
influenced by international comparisons. While state capacity is limited,
expectations of the state are not.
Another view is that
international comparisons of this kind need to be adjusted for purchasing power
parity (PPP) differences between countries. But while it is true that notable
price differences exist between countries, these differences often reflect
large disparities in the quality of goods and services. And PPP measurements
often fail to allow for the fact that the prices of many goods on which
governments spend their money are set in international markets. The world price
of building infrastructure (quality-adjusted) is often quite similar in
different countries.
This picture of the limited
economic capacity of governments in most ASEAN countries is worrying. It
suggests that it would be useful to undertake the painful and controversial
task of reassessing strategies of state management and of public service
delivery. What are the implications for policy and for the delivery of public
programs? More broadly, what should the state’s role be when resources are so
sharply constrained?
Three main steps seem to be
needed. First, there needs to be discussion of the generally-accepted paradigm
of a strong economic state which, among other things, promises to protect the
populace from the ravages of uncaring market forces. In fact, market forces are
often dominant in poorly-regulated informal economies across ASEAN. Governments
frequently try to impose regulation on these markets but generally fail.
A second step, therefore,
would be to recognise the problems that arise when there are excessive
expectations about the role that the state can play. Clearly ASEAN states
cannot provide the range of services that are available in the OECD welfare
states. It would be best if the challenges of designing governments to live
with very limited budgets were more widely discussed.
It is hard to avoid the
impression that, at least in the low-spending ASEAN states, many branches of
government are badly over-stretched. Too often political leaders over-promise
and under-deliver. Put simply, governments are trying to do far too much with
far too little. The result is a vicious circle: citizens become disillusioned
with governments and see little reason for paying taxes or even user charges
for government services, thus exacerbating the problem of limited resources for the public sector.
A third step towards
reconsidering the role of the state is to define the role of government carefully. To be effective,
this would need to go well beyond the dozens of programs of public management
reform which have been outlined for ASEAN governments in recent years. The
measures that are needed to match the functions of governments more closely
would be controversial. Governments should identify strict economies in the
range of services they provide, improve revenue collection procedures at all
main levels of government (including by state-owned enterprises through higher
user charges), and systematically simplify administrative services. They should
also review the scope of their activities to design an approach where
governments ‘steer, not row’ and strengthen their ability to regulate the
outsourced provision of services to communities.
Reconsidering the role of
the state is needed not as a response to Western pro-market ideology but
because, quite simply, states in the region are trying to do too much with too
little. And both government failure and market failure are the result.
Government failure often exacerbates market failure because overstretched
governments cannot perform even basic regulatory functions properly. A
pragmatic and determined approach to reform is needed to strengthen the
operations of both governments and markets in the region.
Peter
McCawley is a Visiting Fellow at the Crawford School of Public Policy at
The Australian National University.
This article appeared in the
most recent edition of the East Asia Forum
Quarterly, ‘The state and economic enterprise’.
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