Timor-Leste
has disputed the 2002 creation of a Joint Petroleum Development Area in the
Timor Sea, and the adjacent boundaries, from which both Australia and
Timor-Leste derive profits from oil extraction. Timor-Leste has argued in the
Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague that the treaty, which was agreed
to by Timor-Leste under pressure, should be invalidated as a result of
Australia spying on the Timor-Leste negotiating team.
The court was
due to hand down a determination on the matter in September, but in August both
parties agreed to work outside the judicial system to seek a negotiated
outcome. In September, Gusmão said that he could not ‘run away’ from his
leadership role while the negotiations were underway.
Gusmão had
been considering stepping down as prime minister to make way for a younger
generation of Timor-Leste leadership since 2013, a year after his coalition government was re-elected. There
have been calls in Timor-Leste for the ‘Generation of ’75’ leaders to step
aside to make way for a younger generation of political leaders. Timor-Leste’s
political leadership continues to be dominated by actors who were either
military resistance leaders during the Indonesian occupation or who, from 1975,
helped lead the struggle from abroad.
Gusmão has
recognised that the next generation of leaders is unlikely to emerge while he
remains as prime minister, such has been his dominance over Timor-Leste’s
political life since before the country achieved independence in 2002. But, at
67 years old and having spent 17 years as a guerrilla fighter and leader and
then seven years in an Indonesian prison, Gusmão is less robust than he once
was, in particular suffering chronic and sometimes debilitating back pain.
While Gusmão
was concerned to ensure a positive outcome for the Timor Sea negotiations, as
well as a royalties dispute with oil company ConocoPhilips, this is only part
of his reason for wanting to stay on as prime minister. The real negotiations
with Australia and the oil companies are largely handled by Resources Minister
Alfredo Pires and his team, so Gusmão’s presence is more symbolic than actual
in that regard.
Another part
of Gusmão’s thinking is that it is not yet clear who would — or could — succeed
him as the country’s leader. Gusmão’s very able right-hand man and Chief of
Cabinet, Agio Pereira, has been widely tipped to succeed Gusmão. However,
Pereira is himself a member of the Generation of ’75, having fled to Australia
where he was a key contact for the resistance movement.
More
importantly though is that, having lived outside the country for so long,
Pereira does not have either an established geographic or language group
support base and, despite his undoubted competence, does not have a high public
profile beyond Dili.
There are
others in Gusmão’s party (the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction)
who could also succeed him, and who are younger, including party
secretary-general Dionísio Babo Soares. But there is also a view that, without
Gusmão’s leadership, in a country in which charisma counts for more than
policy, the party — and the coalition government — could break up over a
disputed leadership.
On the other
side of the political fence, the Generation of ’75 leaders of Timor-Leste’s second largest
party, Fretilin, especially Mari Alkatiri, do not look like leaving any
time soon. This is despite Alkatiri having taken his party to successive
election defeats.
Although he
worked closely with Fretilin following the 2012 elections, Gusmão would be
deeply reluctant to see Alkatiri again take the prime ministership, if it were
this time by default.
Finally, while
Timor-Leste’s oil fund has now reached US$15 billion, the government has been
spending at a rate that, depending on future fiscal prudence, will see it run
out of money some time over the next 10 to 20 years. While Gusmão cannot hope
to be around to oversee that process, he may wish to see put in place more
sustainable economic policies. He may also want to more fully address some of
his people’s continuing problems with widespread poverty, poor education and high
unemployment.
With his
undoubted love for Timor-Leste’s people and at least one eye on his legacy, no
time will be, to him, a good time to finally let go. Author: Damien Kingsbury,
Deakin University
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