Shinzo Abe’s July visit to Australia will
be the first for a Japanese prime minister since 2007. It comes at a good time
for bilateral relations following Tony Abbott’s ‘closest friend in Asia’ praise
for Japan in October 2013, and the success of Abbott’s April 2014 visit to
Tokyo. Yet the vexed issue of Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean continues
to dog the relationship, even after the judgment of the International Court of
Justice (ICJ) on 31 March 2014.
Australia brought the Whaling case to the ICJ in May 2010
to bring Japan’s JARPA II whaling program to an end and to remove the rift that
had developed between the two countries over Japan’s Southern Ocean whaling
program. Australia’s case before the ICJ did implicitly acknowledge that Japan
may seek to undertake a future Southern Ocean whaling program. Australia
understood that its ability to bring about a complete cessation of Japanese
whaling in the Southern Ocean was limited. Instead, Australia sought to ensure
that any future conduct by Japan would comply with international law.
Australia’s legal argument focused on Article VIII of the
1946 International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW), which
allows parties to the convention to issue ‘special permits’ for the ‘purposes
of scientific research’. Australia argued that Japan’s JARPA II program was not
consistent with the proper interpretation of Article VIII, and as such
contravened the provisions of the ICRW under international law. Yet, as Australia
was aware, the ICJ is incapable of striking down Article VIII as a matter of
pure treaty law and Article VIII will remain in the ICRW allowing Japan to
issue future ‘special permits’.
Australia also did not challenge Japan’s conduct of its
North Pacific whaling program (JARPN II). In principle, because Australia’s
application was based on contesting Japan’s use of Article VIII special
permits, Australia could have expanded it to challenge both JARPA II and JARPN
II. But this would have significantly expanded the scope of the Australian
case, most likely resulting in delays and additional complexities in both the
legal argument and the scientific evidence.
The ICJ’s judgment found that JARPA II contravened
Japan’s obligation to not engage in commercial whaling and that the JARPA II
special permits do not fall within the provisions of Article VIII. The ICJ
ordered that ‘Japan shall revoke any extant authorisation, permit or licence
granted in relation to JARPA II, and refrain from granting any further permits
in pursuance of that programme’.
The consequence of these orders was that JARPA II was to
cease immediately. But, as Japan had ended JARPA II whaling for the season, the
court’s orders more immediately relate to the 2014–15 season. Soon after the
judgment, Japanese government spokesman Noriyuki Shikata indicated Japan would abide by the
ICJ’s decision and cease any future JARPA II conduct.
Australia has been successful in achieving its immediate
objective to bring about an end to JARPA II — and that form of purported
‘special permit’ whaling will not be undertaken again in the future. But some
dimensions of the court’s judgment and Japan’s subsequent conduct are
concerning.
First, the ICJ made clear (in paragraph 246) that Article
VIII of the ICRW remains intact and that Japan can issue further special
permits consistent with Article VIII.
Second, soon after the judgment the Japanese whaling
fleet commenced JARPN II activities for the 2014 season. While the
ICJ’s judgment does not apply to JARPN II, it is concerning that Japan
continued special permit whaling so soon after its use of these permits in the
case of JARPA II was found to be unlawful.
Third, there are indications that Japan will seek to
conduct some form of Southern Ocean whaling
program. On 9 June, Abe indicated to a Japanese parliamentary commission that
Japan would continue with its tradition of whaling
and was planning to resume special permit whaling
in the Southern Ocean in the 2015–16 season.
If Japan does continue whaling in the Southern Ocean not
only will Australia be greatly disappointed but it will also raise suspicions that Japan is seeking
to circumvent the ICJ’s ruling and its international legal obligations. Whether
these issues are raised in bilateral discussions during Abe’s July Canberra
visit remains to be seen, but what it does suggest is that the thorn in the
side of the otherwise excellent bilateral relations between Australia and Japan
will remain for some time to come.
Donald R. Rothwell is Professor of International Law at
the ANU College of Law, The Australian National University.
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