Some of the smartest people in the world have long warned Australia that it cannot ever truly be part of its neighbourhood.
Remember Malaysia’s
former prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad? He did his best to shut Australia out
of regional groupings, saying “they are Europeans, they can never be Asians.”
The American scholar
Samuel Huntington wrote the famous 1996 work The Clash of Civilisations and
the Remaking of World Order. The book is remembered for foretelling a
reinvigorated struggle between Islam and the West.
But he also
classified Australia as a “torn country”. Why? Because Australians were
“divided over whether their society belongs to one civilisation or another”,
torn between the West and Asia.
Most colourfully,
however, a Chinese academic likened Australia to the forsaken figure of the bat
in an Aesop fable, an animal doomed to be forever friendless and alone.
In the story, the
kingdom of the beasts is about to go to war with the kingdom of the birds. Each
side tries to recruit the uncommitted bat, which has wings like a bird but fur
like a beast.
The bat fears the
consequences of joining the losing side, so refuses to join either. When the
war is averted at the last minute, the bat finds himself despised by both
kingdoms.
The rueful bat
delivers the moral of the tale: “Ah, I see now. He that is neither one thing
nor the other has no friends.”
Tang Guanghui,
writing in World Affairs, a journal of the Chinese Foreign Ministry,
said this was Australia’s fate, to flit forever between the two civilisations
of the East and the West, belonging to neither.
“It seems that
Australia is suffering from the same confusion and embarrassment” as the bat,
he wrote.
Tang’s prophecy was
delivered in the same year as Huntington’s, 1996.
So, with Japan’s
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe today giving us cause to reflect on our place in the
world, how does the prediction look 18 years on?
At the time Tang
wrote, two-way trade between his country and Australia was running at $7.7
billion a year. Today Australia’s China trade is worth $145 billion a year.
That’s a gain of about 1800 per cent.
And in the
intervening years China has invested more money in Australia than in any other
country on the planet. This is, itself, a powerful statement about Beijing’s
view of the centrality of Australia in supplying China’s future needs. The two
countries are negotiating a free trade agreement. But there’s much more than
trade and investment.
Tang’s prophecy was
pretty plainly repudiated by China’s President, Hu Jintao, when he accepted
John Howard’s invitation to address a joint sitting of the Australian
Parliament in 2003.
And under Julia
Gillard, China and Australia declared a “strategic partnership.” This was not a
unique status - China already had bestowed the same designation on 10 other
nations at the time. But it was hardly the act of a country that thought of
Australia as some sort of outcast.
At the same time,
Beijing announced that the Australian dollar would become the third currency,
after the US greenback and the Japanese yen, to be directly convertible with
the Chinese currency.
“Quite the contrary,”
to the forecast of Australia as lonely and friendless in Asia, “we are one of
the most integrated countries in Asia,” says Tim Harcourt, a trade expert at
the University of NSW.
Australia’s top
trading partners are China, Japan, South Korea and the US. Harcourt likes to
say that the “tyranny of distance,” the geographic liability keeping Australia
from the great Atlantic centres, has now become “the power of proximity” with
the dominance of Asia’s growth.
If Australia is a
bat, says Harcourt, “we’re lying upside down, gorging on all the wealth of the
region.”
The research and
advocacy group Asialink publishes an annual index of Australia’s engagement
with 25 nations of Asia embracing trade, investment, education, tourism,
business development and humanitarian assistance. The index was set at a
benchmark 100 points in 1990. In 1995 it was 175. The latest reading, for 2012,
was 448.
“With the big-picture
lens, though there have been some obvious ups and downs, we are overall doing
well,” says Asialink’s chief executive, Jenny McGregor.
Looking even more
broadly, the picture is pretty positive. Immigrants from China, South Korea,
Vietnam, for instance, bring not only new skills. They are a case study in
successful integration, enriching a cohesive Australian diversity.
Has this
intensification of relations with Asia perhaps been at the expense of
Australia’s relations with the West?
Not in the least. The
day before Hu Jintao addressed the Australian Parliament, the then US
president, George W. Bush, received the same honour. It was in Canberra that
his successor, Barack Obama, give his most notable declaration of America’s
“Asia pivot”.
No longer the country
that Paul Keating once disparaged as “the arse end of the earth,” it has been
dubbed by a scholar at London’s Chatham House, Charles Emmerson, “the pivotal
country.”
Australia has been
intensifying its US alliance even as it deepens relations with its regional
neighbours.
There are serious
dangers in the rising tensions between Asia’s great powers, especially China
and Japan. The Asian arms race is real. But there are enough real problems
without coming up with phantoms.
Australia joins
elements of both kingdoms, East and West, in a successful combination that is
not a bat but a platypus, uniquely adapted to its environment and thriving.
Peter Hartcher is the international
editor. SMH
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