Acquisition of the advanced Su-35 fighter
would give China some significant new capabilities
A senior executive at Russia’s state
arms export company, Rosoboronexport, has said that Russia will
sign a contract to sell the advanced Su-35 jet to China in 2014, while
confirming that the deal is not on track to be finished in 2013. This is
unlikely to be the last word on the matter – the negotiations have dragged on
since 2010, and have been the subject of premature and contradictory
announcements before – but it is a strong indication that Russia remains
interested in the sale. For the time being, China’s interest in the
new-generation fighter is worth examining for what it reveals about the
progress of homegrown military technology and China’s strategy for managing
territorial disputes in the South China Sea. If successful, the acquisition
could have an immediate impact on these disputes. In addition to strengthening
China’s hand in a hypothetical conflict, the Su-35’s range and fuel capacity
would allow the People’s Liberation Army Naval Air Force (PLANAF) to undertake
extended patrols of the disputed areas, following the model it has used to
pressure Japan over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands.
The Su-35 is not the first Sukoi to
pique the interest of the Chinese military. As previously reported
in The Diplomat, the Sukoi-30MKK, and the Chinese version, the J-16,
have been touted by the Chinese military as allowing it to project power into
the South China Sea.
Previous reports in Chinese and
Russian media in June of this year pointed toward a deal having been reached
over a sale of Su-35 multi-role jets, but were not viewed as official, given
more than a year’s worth of contradictory reports in Chinese and
Russian media. At one point, Russian sources claimed that the sale had gone
through, only to be categorically refuted by the
Chinese Ministry of Defense. Nevertheless, in January both governments paved
the way for an eventual sale by signing an agreement in principle that Russia
would provide the Su-35 to China.
A big question remaining is the
number of aircraft that China will purchase. China’s Global Times reported
this summer that a group of Chinese representatives were in Moscow evaluating
the Su-35, and would begin acquiring
a “considerable
number” of the advanced jets. Whether that means that China will purchase more
than 48, as mentioned in press statements a year ago, is unclear. Evidence of
continued negotiation for the jets indicates a strong desire within the Chinese
military to acquire the Sukhoi fighters.
Chinese aviation is still reliant in
many ways on Russia. Media attention has focused on China’s domestic
development programs, including stealth fighter-bombers and helicopters. The
advance of Chinese aviation capabilities is by now a common theme, with every
month seeming to bring new revelations about its programs. While the ability to
manufacture and perform design work on these projects represents significant
progress, “under the hood” these aircraft often feature Russian engines. China
continues to try to copy or steal Russian engine technology because of a strong
preference for building systems itself. In fact, purchasing the Su-35 does not
reflect a shift in the preferences of the Chinese military leadership. Buying
the Su-35 reflects the delicate position China now finds itself in, as both a
large purchaser and producer of primarily Russian-style weapons. Though
self-reliance has always been important to China, it has been superseded by the
strategic need to acquire cutting-edge weapons systems quickly. According to
data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI),
beginning in 1991, China began purchasing the Su-27 long-range fighter jet (an
older relative of the Su-35).
Russia understandably became upset
when its star export appeared as an indigenously produced J-11 in China –
without a licensing agreement. Russian media was previously reporting that
Russia had chosen not to sell the jet over fears that it would be copied in
turn and become yet another export item for China, further undercutting Russia’s own
economically vital arms business. It appears that now Russia is trying to balance
its fear of being undercut by Chinese copying with its desire (or need) to sell
weapons.
Viewing the purchase of the Su-35
through the lens of China’s strategic needs and events, like the recent
territorial spats with its neighbors, provides a useful perspective on just why
China is so eager to acquire the Sukhoi jet.
Simply put, the Su-35 is the best
non-stealth fighter in the world today. Though stealth has come to dominate Western
aircraft design, in terms of China’s needs, other factors take precedence. Even
more surprisingly, superiority in air-to-air combat is not the Su-35’s key
selling point. while the Su-35 gives the Chinese military a leg up versus the
F-15s and other aircraft fielded by neighbors like Japan, the advanced Russian
jet does not add significant new capabilities to conflict areas like the Taiwan
Strait. Large numbers of interceptors and multi-role jets like the J-10 could
easily be deployed over the Strait, or to areas near Japan like the
Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. The advantage of the Su-35 rather lies in its speed and
ample fuel tanks. Like the Su-27, the Su-35 was created to patrol Russia’s
enormous airspace and to be able to meet incoming threats far away from
Russia’s main urban areas. The People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) faces
similar problems.
The South China Sea is just such a
problem. A vast area of 1.4 million square miles (2.25 million square
kilometers), China’s claims, as demarcated by the famous “nine-dashed line,”
pose challenges for the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) current fighters.
Currently, land-based PLANAF fighters, can conduct limited patrols of the sea’s
southern areas, but their fuel capacity severely restricts the time they can
spend on patrol. Enforcing claims far from the mainland in times of crisis
requires the type of range and speed that the Su-35 possesses. The Su-35 is
likely meant to help enforce China’s territorial claims, further deter regional
claimants, and provide additional layers of protection in the case of
escalation. The key to this is fuel.
‘The
Diplomat’
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