THE suicide bombing of
a police station in Poso, Indonesia, in June illustrates how terrorism in
Indonesia has changed since the October 2002 Bali bombings. The Bali attacks
used a one-tonne car bomb and killed 202 people. The Poso attack used a much
smaller bomb and killed only the suicide bomber
This diminished lethality does not mean we should be
sanguine about terrorism in Indonesia. Between 2000 and 2013, there have been
289 acts of terrorism in the country, according to police data. These cases,
from plots and threats to church bombings, shootings of police and large-scale
attacks have killed more than 344 people.
Among the 800-odd suspected terrorists police have arrested
in this period, more than 95 per cent have identified themselves as
"Islamic activists" who believe that terrorist attacks are legitimate
acts of jihad. Many Indonesians still believe terrorism has no connection with
religious teachings, although progress has been made in recent years.
It is difficult for Muslim leaders in Indonesia to admit
that terrorism is linked to a particular understanding of religion, and some
commentators are worried about making the link for fear of offending Muslims.
Such an attitude is completely unhealthy. It suggests that Indonesians don't
want to understand what's wrong. When we refuse to admit that the problem lies
in ourselves, it means we look for outsiders to blame.
One motivation for me to write a history of the jihadi movement
in Indonesia was to take on apologists for violence. That terrorism was
religiously motivated was clear from the terrorists' own writings.
The Bali bombers Imam Samudra and Mukhlas, for example,
frequently cited the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet (Hadith),
interpreting these texts in a way that justified murdering women, children and
the elderly.
Such an interpretation is completely at odds with the
understanding of Islam among most Indonesians, for whom it is forbidden to shed
the blood of women, children and the elderly. But the Bali bombers acknowledged
that they followed the ideology of Salafi jihadism, - the ideology promoted by
al-Qa'ida.
In the course of my research I discovered that such
teachings had been around in Indonesia since the 1940s, even if they weren't
called Salafi jihadism.
The group that promoted these teachings was Darul Islam,
which wanted to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. People linked to Darul
Islam have carried out most of the violence in the name of religion in
Indonesia, including terrorist attacks in the 70s and 80s. Jemaah Islamiyah,
which perpetrated the Bali bombings, was a splinter group of Darul Islam.
Even today, many acts of terror are linked to Darul Islam
members. Between 2010 and 2013, active or former Darul Islam members were
involved in 50 terrorism cases. And one of the most notorious terrorist
alliances today, the Poso-based East Indonesia Mujaheddin, includes a Darul
Islam group from South Sulawesi.
If I could convey one message from my book it is this:
ideology is important. We can't understand terrorism without understanding the
ideology that justifies it. All Indonesian jihadi groups believe that every act
of terrorism must be rooted in Islamic law, at least the Salafi jihadist interpretation
of it.
I recently met an official from Indonesia's
counter-terrorism agency BNPT. He told me the deradicalisation program for
terrorist prisoners was relatively successful. He mentioned that dozens of
prisoners had signed statements of loyalty to the Indonesian government and the
state ideology, Pancasila. But if we understand Salafi jihadism, we have to
wonder whether these jihadists have really changed.
Many Salafi jihadists regard their imprisoned colleagues to
be in an emergency situation that makes lying permissible, even to the point of
expressing non-belief in the faith. Others believe that one principle of war is
deception, and that in any warlike situation, you are permitted to lie.
Accordingly, most terrorist prisoners believe they can say anything the
government wants to hear, in order to deceive their captors.
We also have to understand that Salafi jihadism is evolving.
The ideology was formulated in the 1980s during the war against the Soviets in
Afghanistan. From time to time, ideologies undergo corrections and new
teachings emerge, usually in response to the security situation or political
developments.
We have to be alert to ideological changes because they can
result in new understandings of tactics and targets. Even if al-Qa'ida and its
affiliates seem to be switching their focus from attacks on foreign or Western
targets to governments in Muslim countries, this does not mean they will not
switch back one day.
To trace the history of the jihadi movement in Indonesia and
the decisions its adherents have made, one must understand Salafi jihadism.
Tracing the evolution of this ideology is also key to anticipating the
development of terrorism in Indonesia in the future.
Solahudin is a leading expert on jihadism in Indonesia.’The
Australian’
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