Bali
Nine Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran inside the workshop of Kerobokan jail in
Bali. Picture: Luckman Bintoro
ONE of the saddest moments of my political career was in December 2005 when a young Australian drug trafficker Van Tuong Nguyen was executed at the Changi Jail in Singapore.
John Howard and I had begged the Singaporean government
ffrom the prime minister down for clemency. Every legal manoeuvre had
been tried. But the Singapore government decided to stick with their
established policy and hanged the 25-year-old.
I rang the Australian High Commission staff who had
counselled Van Nguyen for three long years since his arrest. They said he died
bravely. His mother had wept in their arms. It was a hugely emotional
conversation.
This execution happened eight months after the arrest of the
group of nine Australians in Bali for trafficking 8.3 kilograms of heroin from
Indonesia to Australia.
Of course the Bali Nine were foolish and greedy - the heroin
was said to be worth $4 million. They knew that the penalty for drug
trafficking in Indonesia was death. That's true in most of South East Asia.
When I was told of the arrest of the Bali Nine I knew it
would be a struggle to save their lives. President Yudhoyono is a good man in
so many ways but he does believe the death penalty is an effective deterrent
for drug trafficking and use.
It's one thing to read about this, to theorise, to argue
about the morality of the death penalty and to contemplate its effectiveness.
And to say that the Bali Nine went into this with their eyes open; they took
the risks knowingly.
I can tell you, it's another thing to sit down with the
families of these young people on death row. I had several teary meetings with
the family of Scott Rush.
Eventually, his death sentence was reduced to life
imprisonment.
Several of the other members of the Bali Nine were also
sentenced to either life imprisonment or twenty years behind bars.
But two of the Bali Nine, Andrew Chan and Myuan Sukuaran,
are still on death row. They have exhausted the judicial system. Their only
hope of avoiding a firing squad is if the President grants clemency.
For Foreign Minister Bob Carr and the Prime Minister as
well, this is a huge challenge. They share with the Indonesian Government a
determination to stamp out heroin trafficking knowing the damage heroin does to
users.
They value the relationship with Indonesia, which has been
handled pretty clumsily in recent times, particularly over boat people and the
live cattle trade. And they oppose the death penalty.
The challenge for the Australian Government is to get the President
to grant clemency. They need to be working on it right now.
Here are a couple of don'ts and a couple of dos. For a
start, this is not a negotiation which should descend to Twitter and other
media stunts, particularly by the Foreign Minister. I know Bob Carr loves
Tweeting his activities. On this issue he should
uncharacteristically work quietly and determinedly behind the scenes.
The surest way of failing to get clemency is to run a public
campaign. That would stir up nationalist sentiment in Indonesia a country
which was once colonised by the Europeans. They don't like being told what to
do by foreigners.
Remember the case in China of Stern Hu, the Rio executive?
Kevin Rudd's media commentary on the case did more harm than good for him. And
Schapelle Corby's support group's public campaign was a disaster.
The government should also avoiding issuing public threats
either explicit or implicit. Threatening the Indonesians publicly will only get
their backs up. They will make it clear that Indonesia won't be threatened by
anyone.
So publicly suggesting we'll downgrade the relationship if
the President fails to grant clemency won't work.
What the Australian Government should do is quietly talk to
the Indonesian President and Foreign Minister about two things.
The first is quite practical. The Bali Nine had been known
to the Australian Federal Police. They worked with the Indonesian government
trying to track these people.
The AFP were not directly involved with the arrest of the
Bali Nine but more broadly, AFP co-operation with the Indonesian authorities is
important to Indonesia's anti-drug campaign.
If Sukumanan and Chan are executed, that will have a huge
impact on the capacity of the AFP to work with the Indonesians. The government
won't want the AFP getting close to their Indonesian counterparts on drug
issues anymore.
Secondly, the execution of Sukumanan and Chan would cause
outrage amongst many but not all Australians. This would certainly
re-enforce for many the negative perceptions they have of Indonesia. In turn,
that would make it more difficult for any Australian government to work closely
with Indonesia. There needs to be a degree of trust and goodwill between our
countries. Executing our people won't help that.
This issue is a big test for Bob Carr and even Julia
Gillard. Let's hope they succeed.
By Alexander Downer Australia's
foreign minister from 1996 to 2007
Read more: http://www.news.com.au/national-news/bali-nine-issue-a-big-test-for-prime-minister-julia-gillard/story-fncynjr2-1226635561885#ixzz2SSKHgA8D
Read more: http://www.news.com.au/national-news/bali-nine-issue-a-big-test-for-prime-minister-julia-gillard/story-fncynjr2-1226635561885#ixzz2SSKHgA8D
The very real conundrum for Indonesia is how to justify NOT executing these two as the government regularly executes non-whites from other countries. Discriminating against African, Middle Eastern and Asian drug smugglers to please the Australian public would amount to a very arbitrary position as to selection of who should die
ReplyDeleteThat's right. Especially when historically it was the whites in the form of the British Empire in the 19th century that introduced Opium and drug trafficking to the region to begin with as official policy (e.g. the Opium Wars, etc.).
ReplyDelete