What does this landmark declaration symbolise? The ‘Asian Values’ debate
of the 1990s and the spectre of cultural relativism have now finally
been laid to rest. Does this also mean, however, the demise of ‘Asian’
values? What is certain is that the rights and principles that have been
enshrined in the Declaration reveal the political will of ASEAN to
level the playing field in international politics.
Between January and September 2012, the 10 representatives of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights
met 10 times, in seven different cities around Southeast Asia, to give
shape to the human rights project. The document sets out novel and
delicate notions on the right to peace and development and is a clarion
call for sovereign respect and equality in international cooperation.
But most importantly, the Declaration is autochthonous, which means it
is capable of stamping ASEAN’s imprimatur on the international human
rights regime.
The longest and thorniest debates during the
negotiations revolved around whether ASEAN should adopt the phrase
‘regional particularities’ as it was used in Article 5 of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action.
The negotiators eventually decided on a new article instead — Article 7, which reads:
‘All
human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and
interrelated … At the same time, the realisation of human rights must be
considered in the regional and national context bearing in mind
different political, economic, legal, social, cultural, historical and
religious backgrounds’.
‘Particularities’ was purged, putting on
record the ASEAN preference for an end to pretexts for the selectivity,
partiality, forms of discrimination or double standards that occur when
member states or detractors in the West talk about rights in the service
of self-interest. It was agreed that Article 7 must never be
interpreted as diminishing the universality of human rights or in a
manner that would undermine the principles protected in the Declaration.
The
provision also maintains respect for the rich socio-cultural
diversities of member states and their national traditions. It reminds
the international community to be sensitive to the specific needs and
desires of national constituencies — but to be critical and steadfast
against local practices that violate human dignity.
It is
unfortunate that in the past understandings of ‘backgrounds’ tended to
emphasise national over regional contexts. Notions of ‘particularities’
have thus to this day, inadvertently, been on the basis of national
differences rather than on shared regional practices.
The Phnom Penh Statement
by heads of state on the adoption of the Declaration explicitly stated
that the implementation of human rights must be ‘in accordance to the
Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action’, lest the
Declaration lend itself to the tangential interpretations of would-be
authoritarians.
The deliberations over this document showed the
ideal of ASEAN regional solidarity. The organisation has been criticised
from within and outside for its lack of an effective voting system. But
the spirit of compromise and consensus
played out consistently — and quite painfully — throughout the drafting
process and especially in the negotiation of Article 7. Once it was
clear two or more countries had opposite and intractable positions on an
issue, the representatives invoked the ground rule to drop it. Between
the benefits of avoiding neighbourly conflict or those of an agreement,
the pre-eminent principle for political expediency held sway: one for
all — and all for one.
Furthermore, consistent with ASEAN
informality, the representatives also convened a series of retreats in
the course of the negotiations. ASEAN officials, ministers and
bureaucrats agreed that protocol must give way to straight and intimate
talk. The retreats were relaxed, familial and unceremonious, and meant
the framers could negotiate away from the public eye. It also guaranteed
confidentiality (though not secrecy), and ensured the negotiators could
save face.
These ideals and values are unique to ASEAN, but they
lean undeniably on the principles of the modern state system in large
measure. Indeed, we can choose to be cynical and look only at the
staying power of the state and how often it falters in protecting the
rights and freedoms of peoples and individuals, women and men. But we
can also choose to look differently at this Declaration: one small step
for ASEAN, one giant leap for humanity. The reverse is no less true: one
small step for humanity, one giant leap for ASEAN. It is no small miracle that we now all stand to benefit either way.
Kevin
H.R. Villanueva was a member of the Philippine Delegation to the ASEAN
Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights for the drafting of the
ASEAN Human Rights Declaration. He is a University Research Scholar in Politics and International Studies and East Asian Studies at the University of Leeds.
A version of this article was first published here in the Jakarta Post.
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